Nyheder

Slave markeder

Slave markeder


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I det 17. århundrede begyndte europæerne at etablere bosættelser i Amerika. Afgrøder dyrket på disse plantager som tobak, ris, sukkerrør og bomuld var arbejdskrævende. Europæiske immigranter var taget til Amerika for at eje deres eget land og var tilbageholdende med at arbejde for andre. Dømte blev sendt over fra Storbritannien, men der havde ikke været nok til at dække den enorme efterspørgsel efter arbejdskraft. Plantemaskiner begyndte derfor at købe slaver. Først kom disse fra Vestindien, men i slutningen af ​​1700-tallet kom de direkte fra Afrika, og travle slavemarkeder blev etableret i Philadelphia, Richmond, Charleston og New Orleans.

I 1848 beskrev William Wells Brown, en kampagne mod slaveri, hvordan et slavemarked var: "Få personer, der har besøgt slavestaterne, har ved deres tilbagevenden ikke fortalt om slavernes bander, de havde set på vej til det sydlige marked. Denne handel præsenterer nogle af de mest oprørende og frygtelige scener, man kan forestille sig. Slavefængsler, slaveauktioner, håndjern, pisk, kæder, blodhunde og andre grusomhedsinstrumenter er en del af møblerne, der tilhører Det er nok at få menneskeheden til at bløde ved hver pore, for at se disse redskaber af tortur. Kun kendt af Gud er mængden af ​​menneskelig smerte og lidelse, der sender sit råb fra disse slavefængsler, uhørt eller uden opmærksomhed af mand, op til hans øre; mødre, der græder over deres børn - bryder nat -tavsheden med skrigene fra deres knækkende hjerter. Vi ønsker intet menneske at opleve følelser af unødvendig smerte, men vi ønsker, at hver mand, kvinde og barn i New England, kunne besøge et sydligt slavefængsel og auktionsstand. "

Som Henry Bibb forklarede i En amerikansk slaves liv og eventyr (1851): "En slave kan købes og sælges på markedet som en okse. Han vil sandsynligvis blive solgt til et fjernt land fra sin familie. Han er bundet i kæder i hånd og fod; og hans lidelser forværres hundrede fold, ved den frygtelige tanke, at han ikke må kæmpe mod ulykke, kropsstraf, fornærmelser og krænkelser begået over for ham selv og familien; og han må ikke hjælpe sig selv, modstå eller slippe for det slag, som han ser forestående over ham. Jeg var en slave, en fange for livet; jeg kunne intet besidde eller erhverve andet end det, der måtte tilhøre min vogter. Ingen kan forestille sig mine følelser i mine reflekterende øjeblikke, men ham, der selv har været slave. "

Solomon Northup var en freeman, der boede i Saratoga Springs, da han blev kidnappet af Theophilus Freeman fra New Orleans. I sin selvbiografi, Tolv år en slave (1853) beskrev han, hvordan han blev behandlet i slaveauktionen: "Først og fremmest blev vi forpligtet til at vaske grundigt, og dem med skæg, til at barbere sig. Vi blev derefter indrettet med en ny dragt hver, billig, men ren. mænd havde hat, frakke, skjorte, bukser og sko; kvinderne fra kalico og lommetørklæder til at binde om hovedet på. Vi blev nu ført ind i et stort rum i den forreste del af bygningen, som gården var knyttet til, for at at blive ordentligt uddannet, inden optagelse af kunder. Mændene var arrangeret på den ene side af rummet, kvinderne på den anden. Den højeste blev placeret i spidsen af ​​rækken, derefter den næsthøjeste og så videre i rækkefølgen af deres respektive højder. Emily var ved foden af ​​rækken af ​​kvinder. Freeman pålagde os at huske vores steder; opfordrede os til at fremstå som kloge og livlige ... Efter at have været fodret, om eftermiddagen, blev vi igen paradet og fik til at danse . "

Northup beskrev salget af Elizas børn, Emily og Randall: "På dette tidspunkt var hun blevet træt og huløjne af sygdom og med sorg. Det ville være en lettelse, hvis jeg konsekvent i stilhed kunne gå forbi den scene, der nu opstod. Det minder minder mere sørgelige og påvirkende, end noget sprog kan skildre. Jeg har set mødre kysse for sidste gang ansigterne på deres døde afkom; jeg har set dem kigge ned i graven, da jorden faldt med en kedelig lyd på deres kister, skjulte dem for deres øjne for evigt; men aldrig har jeg set en sådan udstilling af intens, umålt og ubegrænset sorg, som da Eliza blev skilt fra sit barn. stod, fangede hende i hendes arme. Barnet, der kunne mærke en overhængende fare, spændte instinktivt hænderne om hendes mors hals og lagde sit lille hoved på hendes barm. Freeman beordrede hende strengt at være stille, men hun hørte ikke hej m. Han tog hende i armen og trak hende uforskammet, men hun holdt kun tættere på barnet .... Hun bad manden om ikke at købe ham, medmindre han også købte hende selv og Emily. Hun lovede i så fald at være den mest trofaste slave, der nogensinde har levet. Manden svarede, at han ikke havde råd til det, og så brød Eliza ind i en paroksysme af sorg og græd klagende. Freeman vendte sig vildt om til hende med sin pisk i sin løftede hånd og beordrede hende til at stoppe hendes larm, eller han ville piske hende .... medmindre hun stoppede det minut, tog han hende til gården og gav hende hundrede Øjenvipper. Ja, han ville tage nonsens ud af hende ret hurtigt - hvis han ikke gjorde det, var han måske død. Eliza skrumpede foran ham og forsøgte at tørre hendes tårer væk, men det var forgæves. Hun ville være sammen med sine børn, sagde hun, den lille tid, hun havde til at leve. Alle rynkerne og truslerne fra Freeman kunne ikke helt stille den ramte mor. Hun blev ved med at tigge og bede dem, mest ærgerligt om ikke at adskille de tre. Igen og igen fortalte hun dem, hvordan hun elskede sin dreng. Rigtig mange gange gentog hun sine tidligere løfter - hvor meget trofast og lydig hun ville være; hvor hårdt hun ville arbejde dag og nat, til det sidste øjeblik i hendes liv, hvis han kun ville købe dem alle sammen. Men det nyttede ikke; manden havde ikke råd til det. "

Mary Prince var kun et barn, da hun blev solgt som slave i Bermuda. "Vores mor græd, mens hun gik, kaldte mig væk med børnene Hannah og Dinah, og vi tog vejen, der førte til Hamble Town, som vi nåede omkring klokken fire om eftermiddagen. Vi fulgte min mor til markedet- sted, hvor hun placerede os i en række mod et stort hus, med ryggen mod væggen og armene foldet over vores bryster. Jeg, som den ældste, stod først, Hannah ved siden af ​​mig, derefter Dinah; og vores mor stod ved siden af Mit hjerte bankede af sorg og skræk så voldsomt, at jeg pressede mine hænder ret tæt over mit bryst, men jeg kunne ikke holde det stille, og det fortsatte med at springe, som om det ville bryde ud af min krop. Hvem tog sig af det? Tænkte en af ​​de mange tilskuere, der så uforsigtigt på os, på smerten, der skrumpede negerkvindens og hendes unges hjerter? Nej, nej! De var ikke alle dårlige, tør jeg sige , men slaveri hærder hvide menneskers hjerter mod de sorte; og mange af dem var ikke langsomme til at komme med deres bemærkninger til os højt uden hensyn til vores sorg - selvom deres lette ord faldt som cayenne på de friske sår i vores hjerter. Åh, de hvide mennesker har små hjerter, der kun kan føle sig selv. Langt om længe ankom salgsmesteren, der skulle tilbyde os til salg som får eller kvæg, og spurgte min mor, hvilken der var den ældste. Hun sagde ingenting, men pegede på mig. Han tog mig i hånden og førte mig ud på midten af ​​gaden, og vendte mig langsomt rundt og udsatte mig for udsigten til dem, der deltog i salget. Jeg blev hurtigt omgivet af mærkelige mænd, der undersøgte og håndterede mig på samme måde, som en slagter ville en kalv eller et lam, han var ved at købe, og som talte om min form og størrelse med samme ord - som om jeg ikke kunne mere forstår deres betydning end de stumme dyr. Jeg blev derefter sat til salg. Budgivningen begyndte med et par pund og steg gradvist til syvogfyrre, da jeg blev slået ned til højestbydende; og de mennesker, der stod der, sagde, at jeg havde hentet en stor sum for så ung en slave. Jeg så derefter mine søstre føre frem og solgte til forskellige ejere: så vi ikke havde den sørgelige tilfredshed med at være partnere i trældom. Da salget var slut, krammede og kyssede min mor os og sørgede over os og tiggede om, at vi skulle beholde et godt hjerte og gøre vores pligt over for vores nye herrer. Det var en trist afsked; den ene gik den ene vej, den anden, og vores stakkels mammy gik hjem uden noget. "

James Pennington fortæller historien i sin selvbiografi, Den flygtige smed (1859) om, hvordan Rachel blev solgt til Georgien, fordi herrens søn var blevet forelsket i hende: "Min herre ejede engang en smuk pige omkring fireogtyve. Hun var opvokset i en familie, hvor hendes mor var en stor favorit. Hun var hendes mors elskede barn. Hendes herre var en advokat med fremtrædende evner og stor berømmelse, men på grund af vanvittighedsvaner mislykkedes han i erhvervslivet, og min herre købte denne pige til en sygeplejerske. Efter at han havde ejet hende omkring et år, en af hans sønner blev knyttet til hende uden ærlige formål; en kendsgerning, som ikke kun var kendt blandt alle slaverne, men som blev en kilde til ulykke for hans mor og søstre. Resultatet var, at stakkels Rachel måtte være solgt til Georgien. Aldrig skal jeg glemme den hjerteskærende scene, da en af ​​mændene en dag blev beordret til at gøre "en-hestevognen klar til at gå ind i byen"; Rachel, med sine få beklædningsgenstande, blev placeret i det og taget ind i selve byen, hvor hendes forældre boede, og der solgte til de handlende foran deres grædende øjne. Den samme søn, der havde forringet hende, og som var årsag til, at hun blev solgt, fungerede som sælger og salgsmedarbejder. "

Få personer, der har besøgt slavestaterne, har ved deres tilbagevenden ikke fortalt om slavernes bander, de havde set på vej til det sydlige marked. Det er nok at få menneskeheden til at bløde ved hver pore, for at se disse redskaber til tortur.

Kun kendt af Gud er mængden af ​​menneskelig smerte og lidelse, der sender sit råb fra disse slavefængsler, uhørt eller uden opmærksomhed af mennesket, op til hans øre; mødre, der græder over deres børn - bryder nat -stilheden med skrigene fra deres knækkende hjerter. Vi ønsker, at intet menneske oplever følelser af unødvendig smerte, men vi ønsker, at hver mand, kvinde og barn i New England kunne besøge et sydligt slavefængsel og auktionsstand.

Jeg vil aldrig glemme en scene, der fandt sted i byen St. Louis, mens jeg var i slaveri. En mand og hans kone, begge slaver, blev bragt fra landet til byen til salg. De blev ført til værelserne hos auktionærerne Austin & Savage.

Flere slave-spekulanter, som altid findes på auktioner, hvor slaver skal sælges, var til stede. Manden blev først sat op og solgt til den højestbydende. Konen blev derefter beordret til at bestige platformen. Jeg var til stede. Hun adlød langsomt ordren. Auktionæren begyndte, og snart blev flere hundrede dollars budt. Mine øjne var stærkt rettet mod ansigtet på kvinden, hvis kinder var våde af tårer. Men en samtale mellem slaven og hans nye herre tiltrak min opmærksomhed. Jeg kom tæt på dem for at lytte. Slaven tiggede sin nye mester om at købe sin kone. Han sagde: "Mester, hvis du kun vil købe Fanny, ved jeg, at du får pengene værd. Hun er en god kok, en god vaskemaskine, og hendes sidste elskerinde kunne lide hende meget. Hvis du kun vil købe hende hvordan glad bliver jeg. " Den nye mester svarede, at han ikke ville have hende, men hvis hun solgte billigt, ville han købe hende. Jeg så på ansigtet på manden, mens de forskellige personer bød på hans kone. Da hans nye mester bød på sin kone, kunne du se smilet på hans ansigt, og tårerne stoppede; men så snart en anden ville byde, kunne du se ansigtet ændre sig og tårerne begynde forfra.

Fra denne ansigtsændring kunne man se den inderste sjæls virke. Men denne spænding varede ikke længe; konen blev slået til højestbydende, som viste sig ikke at være ejer af hendes mand. Så snart de blev klar over, at de skulle skilles, brød de begge i gråd; og da hun steg ned fra auktionsstanden, gik manden frem til hende og tog hende i hånden: "Nå, Fanny, vi skal skilles for evigt på jorden; du har været en god kone for mig. Jeg gjorde alt, hvad jeg kunne for at få min nye herre til at købe dig; men han ville ikke have dig, og alt jeg har at sige er, jeg håber, at du vil prøve at møde mig i himlen. Jeg skal prøve at møde dig der. " Hustruen svarede ikke, men hendes hulk og gråd fortalte også for godt hendes egne følelser. Jeg så ansigterne til en række hvide, der var til stede, og hvis øjne var svage af tårer ved at høre manden sige farvel til sin kone. Sådanne er kun almindelige forekomster i slavestaterne. På disse auktionsstande sælges knogler, muskler, sener, blod og nerver af mennesker med lige så ligegyldighed, som en landmand i nord sælger en hest eller et får.

For det første skulle vi vaske grundigt, og dem med skæg, for at barbere sig. Freeman pålagde os at huske vores steder; formanede os til at fremstå som kloge og livlige - nogle gange truende og igen holde forskellige tilskyndelser tilbage. I løbet af dagen øvede han os i kunsten at "se smart ud" og at flytte til vores steder med præcis præcision.

Efter at have været fodret, om eftermiddagen, blev vi igen pareret og fik til at danse. Bob, en farvet dreng, der havde et stykke tid tilhørt Freeman, spillede på violin. Da jeg stod i nærheden af ​​ham, gjorde jeg modig til at spørge, om han kunne spille "Virginia Reel". Han svarede, at han ikke kunne, og spurgte mig, om jeg kunne spille. Da han svarede bekræftende, rakte han mig violinen. Jeg slog en melodi, og sluttede den. Freeman beordrede mig til at fortsætte med at spille og virkede godt tilfreds og fortalte Bob, at jeg langt udmærkede ham - en bemærkning, der syntes at sørge meget over min musikalske ledsager.

Næste dag ringede mange kunder for at undersøge Freemans "nye parti". Sidstnævnte herre var meget spøjs og levede meget længe på vores flere gode punkter og kvaliteter. Han ville få os til at holde hovedet op, gå rask frem og tilbage, mens kunderne ville føle på vores hænder og arme og kroppe, vende os om, spørge os, hvad vi kunne gøre, få os til at åbne munden og vise vores tænder, præcis som en jockey undersøger en hest, som han er ved at bytte for eller købe. Nogle gange blev en mand eller kvinde taget tilbage til det lille hus i gården, fjernet og inspiceret mere minutiøst. Ar på en træls ryg blev betragtet som tegn på en oprørsk eller uregerlig ånd og skadede hans salg.

En gammel herre, der sagde, at han ville have en kusk, syntes at have lyst til mig. Fra hans samtale med Burch lærte jeg, at han var bosiddende i byen. Jeg ønskede meget, at han ville købe mig, for jeg tænkte, at det ikke ville være svært at flygte fra New-Orleans på et nordligt fartøj. Freeman spurgte ham femten hundrede dollars for mig. Den gamle herre insisterede på, at det var for meget, da tiderne var meget hårde. Freeman erklærede imidlertid, at jeg var sund og sund, havde en god forfatning og var intelligent. Han gjorde det til et punkt at forstørre mine musikalske resultater. Den gamle herre argumenterede ganske fornuftigt, at der ikke var noget ekstraordinært ved ******, og til sidst gik jeg til min beklagelse ud og sagde, at han ville ringe igen. I løbet af dagen blev der dog foretaget en række salg. David og Caroline blev købt sammen af ​​en Natchez -planter. De forlod os og grinede bredt og i den mest lykkelige sindstilstand, forårsaget af at de ikke blev adskilt. Lethe blev solgt til en planter i Baton Rouge, hendes øjne blinkede af vrede, da hun blev ført væk.

Den samme mand købte også Randall. Den lille fyr blev tvunget til at springe og løbe hen over gulvet og udføre mange andre bedrifter og udstille sin aktivitet og tilstand. Hele tiden handlen foregik, græd Eliza højt og vred hænderne. Freeman vendte sig vildt om til hende med sin pisk i sin løftede hånd og beordrede hende til at stoppe hendes støj, eller han ville piske hende. Han ville ikke have sådant arbejde - sådan snivning; og medmindre hun stoppede det minut, ville han tage hende med til gården og give hende hundrede vipper. Men det nyttede ikke; manden havde ikke råd til det. Aftalen blev aftalt, og Randall må gå alene. Så løb Eliza hen til ham; omfavnede ham lidenskabeligt; kyssede ham igen og igen; fortalte ham at huske hende - alt imens hendes tårer faldt i drengens ansigt som regn.

Der gik næsten ikke en dag, uden at nogle af mine egne lange undertrykte mennesker blev ført til piskeposten, og der surrede mest ubarmhjertigt. Hver auktionsdag blev mange solgt væk til Georgien eller andre fjerntliggende sydstater og kunne ofte ses i selskaber, i håndjern og på vej til de sydlige markeder, dømt, dømt til evigt slaveri. Så absolut var slaverne i deres herres magt, at de blev pantsat, forpagtet, udvekslet, taget for gæld eller spillet af ved spillebordet; og mænd kvinder og børn blev solgt på auktion på den offentlige auktionsblok - ægtemænd og koner blev skilt for aldrig at mødes igen og små børn revet fra deres forældres kærlige arme og solgt til slaveri og i hænderne på fremmede fra fjerne dele.

En slave kan købes og sælges på markedet som en okse. Ingen kan forestille mig mine følelser i mine reflekterende øjeblikke, men ham, der selv har været slave.

Den sorte morgen kom i længden; det kom for tidligt for min stakkels mor og os. Mens hun lagde os de nye osnaburgs på, som vi skulle sælges i, sagde hun med sorgfuld stemme (jeg glemmer det aldrig!) "Se, jeg omklæder mine stakkels børn; sikke en opgave for en mor! " - Hun ringede derefter til Miss Betsey for at tage afsked med os. "Jeg kommer til at bære mine små kyllinger på markedet," (det var hendes ord.) "Tag dit sidste blik på dem: måske du ikke vil se dem mere." "Åh, mine stakkels slaver! Mine egne slaver!" sagde kære frøken Betsey, "du tilhører mig: og det sørger i mit hjerte at skilles med dig." - Frøken Betsey kyssede os alle, og da hun forlod os, ringede min mor til resten af ​​slaverne for at sige farvel. En af dem, en kvinde ved navn Moll, kom med sit spædbarn i sine arme. "Åh!" sagde min mor og så hende vende sig bort og se på sit barn med tårerne i øjnene, "din tur kommer næste gang." Slaverne kunne ikke sige noget for at trøste os; de kunne kun græde og klage med os. Da jeg forlod mine kære små brødre og huset, hvor jeg var opdraget, troede jeg, at mit hjerte ville briste.

Vores mor græd, mens hun gik, kaldte mig væk med børnene Hannah og Dinah, og vi tog den vej, der førte til Hamble Town, som vi nåede omkring klokken fire om eftermiddagen. Åh, de hvide mennesker har små hjerter, der kun kan føle sig selv.

Langt om længe ankom salgsmesteren, der skulle tilbyde os til salg som får eller kvæg, og spurgte min mor, hvilken der var den ældste. Budgivningen begyndte med et par pund og steg gradvist til syvogfyrre, da jeg blev slået ned til højestbydende; og de mennesker, der stod der, sagde, at jeg havde hentet en stor sum for så ung en slave.

Jeg så derefter mine søstre føre frem og solgte til forskellige ejere: så vi ikke havde den sørgelige tilfredshed med at være partnere i trældom. Det var en trist afsked; den ene gik den ene vej, den anden, og vores stakkels mammy gik hjem uden noget.

Vi var ikke mange dage i købmandens varetægt, før vi blev solgt efter deres sædvanlige måde, hvilket er dette: På et signal givet (som et slag på en tromle) skynder køberne sig straks ind i gården, hvor slaverne er indespærret, og vælg den pakke, de bedst kan lide. Den larm og larm, som dette overværes med, og iveren, der er synlig i købernes ansigt, tjener ikke lidt til at øge angsten for rædselsslagne afrikanere, som godt må formodes at betragte dem som ministrene for den ødelæggelse, som de synes, at de er hengivne.

På denne måde adskilles forhold og venner uden skrupler, de fleste af dem vil aldrig se hinanden igen. Jeg husker, at i skibet, hvori jeg blev bragt, i mændenes lejlighed, var der flere brødre, som i salget blev solgt i forskellige partier; og det var meget rørende ved denne lejlighed at se og høre deres råb ved afsked. Er det ikke nok, at vi er revet fra vores land og venner, for at slæbe for din luksus og lyst til gevinst? Skal enhver øm følelse ligeledes ofres til din grådighed? Er de kæreste venner og relationer, der nu er blevet mere dyrebare ved deres adskillelse fra deres slægtning, stadig at blive skilt fra hinanden og dermed forhindret i at heppe på slaveriets dysterhed med den lille trøst at være sammen; og blande deres lidelser og sorger? Hvorfor skal forældre miste deres børn, brødre deres søstre, ægtemænd og deres koner? Sikkert, dette er en ny forfining i grusomhed, som, selvom den ikke har nogen fordel at sone for, således forværrer nød; og tilføjer friske rædsler endda til slaveriets elendighed.

Min herre ejede engang en smuk pige omkring fireogtyve. Efter at han havde ejet hende omkring et år, blev en af ​​hans sønner knyttet til hende uden ærlige formål; en kendsgerning, der ikke kun var kendt blandt alle slaverne, men som blev en kilde til ulykke for hans mor og søstre.

Resultatet var, at stakkels Rachel måtte sælges til Georgien. Den samme søn, der havde forringet hende, og som var årsag til, at hun blev solgt, fungerede som sælger og salgsmedarbejder. Mens denne grusomme forretning blev handlet, stod min herre til side, og pigens far, et fromt medlem og udstikker i Metodistkirken, en ærværdig gråhovedet mand, med hatten af, bad om, at han kunne få lov at få nogen ind stedet at købe sit barn. Men nej: min herre var uovervindelig. Hans svar var: "Hun har krænket i min familie, og jeg kan kun genoprette tilliden ved at sende hende ud af hørelse." Efter at have ligget i fængsel kort tid, tog hendes nye ejer hende med andre til det sydlige syd, hvor hendes forældre ikke hørte mere om hende.


Nysgerrig Louis: Afslører hvad der er tilbage af St. Louis ' slavehandel forbi

Før borgerkrigen ejede Bernard Lynch det største slavemarked i St. Louis. Hans operation omfattede et kontor på 104 Locust Street og en holdepen til slaver på 5. og Myrtle, nutidens Broadway og Clark.

Efter krigen blev Lynchs slavepen en opbevaringsbygning for Meyer Brothers Drug Company, og i 1963 blev det revet ned for at bygge Busch Stadium II.

Lytteren Anne Walker skrev til Curious Louis og spekulerede på, om der stadig er artefakter fra pennen.

På onsdagens St. Louis on the Air, talte vært Don Marsh med Christopher Gordon, bibliotekar ved Missouri History Museum, og Angela da Silva, professor i amerikanske kulturstudier ved Lindenwood University, for at besvare vores lytters spørgsmål.

Så er der nogen artefakter fra slavepennen? Det korte svar, sagde Gordon, er nej - da bygningen blev revet i 1963, var der ingen indsats for at bevare den. I dag findes pennen kun på gamle fotografier. “1960’erne til og med 1970’erne,” sagde Gordon, “folk var ikke så interesserede i at redde de gamle.

"Vi var på højden af ​​borgerrettighedsbevægelsen," tilføjede da Silva. "[Byen] var bange for at vise dette."

Slavepennen var godt skjult allerede før den blev revet ned. Det var placeret i en underkælder, så skrig, græd og kropsstraf ville ske uden for syns- og hørselsområdet for de mennesker, der boede i nærheden.

Hvordan blev slavepennen brugt?

Det ville have holdt slaver til at blive solgt på auktion. Det ville også have tjent som en fængselscelle for frie farvede mennesker, der overtrådte udgangsforbudene pålagt af lokale sorte koder. "Hvis jeg, selv som en fri sort, ikke kunne komme ud af gaden, ville jeg skulle logge mig på Bernard M. Lynchs slavepen for at undslippe de 39 vipper for en overtrædelse af udgangsforbud," sagde da Silva.

Slaveauktioner skete mindst en gang om ugen og blev afholdt uden for det gamle retshus. Priserne for slaver blev varieret efter alder og køn, men Gordon sagde, at de ville have kostet mellem $ 750 og $ 1800, "en betydelig sum penge på det tidspunkt."

Genopførelse af en slaveauktion

Som en del af en minde om borgerkrigen i 2011 hjalp da Silva med at organisere en genopførelse af en slaveauktion og spillede selv en slave. "Vi startede ved Lynchs slavepen, raslede [vores] kæder og gik op til retsbygningen," sagde hun. ”Vi var alle enige om, at vi aldrig ville gøre det igen. Det har lige drænet dig. ”

I 1861 kom unionstropper ind i St. Louis og beslaglagde byens slavemarkeder, og Lynchs slavepen blev brugt til at holde konfødererede sympatisører.

"Der er en vis grad af retfærdighed på dette særlige websted," sagde da Silva. "Bernard M. Lynchs slavepen blev til et fængsel for de samme mennesker, der gik derind og handlede."

På et tidspunkt blev Lynch selv fængslet i sin egen fængselscelle.

Efter løsladelsen flygtede Lynch fra St. Louis og blev ikke hørt fra igen. Han efterlod alt på sit kontor, inklusive sin kassekasse, som hans ekspedient gemte. Kassen er nu i Missouri History Museum -samlingen - det eneste fysiske objekt fra Lynchs virksomhed, der overlever.

Lynchs pengekasse blev vist som en del af museets borgerkrig i Missouri -udstillingen i 2011. Den vises ikke i øjeblikket.

St. Louis on the Air bringer dig historierne om St. Louis og de mennesker, der bor, arbejder og skaber i vores region. St. Louis on the Air -vært Don Marsh og producenter Mary Edwards og Alex Heuer give dig de oplysninger, du har brug for til at træffe velinformerede beslutninger og holde kontakten med vores mangfoldige og pulserende St. Louis -region.


Moderne slaveri: Offentlige markeder sælger unge piger for $ 14

Slave markeder spirer op i det østlige Uganda og udnytter fattigdom og den seneste tørke.

Da Christine Nambereke forlod Uganda til Oman i september sidste år, håbede hun, at hun var på vej til at hjælpe sin mand og syv børn med at bekæmpe lammende fattigdom. En agent havde lovet den 31-årige et job som huspige med en månedlig løn på 600.000 shilling ($ 168). Men da hun nåede til Muscat, blev hun solgt som slave. Og da hun vendte tilbage til Uganda i begyndelsen af ​​maj, var hun død.

Nambereke, fra landsbyen Bumbo i det østlige Uganda, er blandt 16 ugandere, der er døde i Mellemøsten i løbet af det sidste år, ifølge en parlamentarisk panelrapport fra april i år. Disse kvinder - som alle døde unaturlige dødsfald efter at have klaget over misbrug - er blot de mest ekstreme eksempler på en voksende epidemi af en stadig mere åben, moderne slavehandel, der starter i Ugandas østlige region og kulminerer i lukkede lokaler i Golfnationer.

Vandrende arbejdstagere fra hele Afrika, Sydasien og Sydøstasien har i flere år klaget over misbrug i Mellemøsten. Men i løbet af det sidste år er det østlige Uganda dukket op som teater for en dobbelt-tønde ketcher. På hurtigt spredte ugentlige markeder bliver nogle kvinder lovet job i Golfen, der kun skal sælges, når de kommer dertil, mens andre-mange af dem piger mellem 10 og 18 år-direkte og offentligt "købes" som slaver i Uganda og derefter videresælges i Mellemøsten, ifølge ugandiske myndigheder, Interpol, uafhængige eksperter, lovgivere, ofre og deres familier.

Vi blev solgt som om vi var husdyr.

Det offentlige salg af kvinder startede i Arapai, det østlige Ugandas næststørste marked 180 miles nordøst for hovedstaden Kampala, i januar 2018, siger Edina Nagudi, den lokale regerings officer med ansvar for regionens markeder. Det begyndte med auktionen af ​​omkring fem piger på hver markedsdag, men antallet steg til 20 inden for to måneder, siger hun. Praksisen spredte sig hurtigt til andre regionale markeder som Chapi og Sire. Alene i Arapai bliver der nu auktioneret op til 50 piger på en dag, siger Nagudi. Samlet set anslås mere end 9.000 piger og unge kvinder at være blevet købt på disse markeder siden sidste år - for så lidt som 50.000 skilling ($ 14), ifølge Betty Atim, et parlamentsmedlem.

Klager fra en håndfuld af disse kvinder og et par andre, der ligesom Nambereke troede, at de rejste til Mellemøsten for at få job, er nået til Interpol. Agenturets Uganda-talsmand, Vincent Sekate, bekræfter, at disse kvinder altid ender i nutidens slaveri. Men Interpol, indrømmer han, har kun været i stand til at redde 12 ugandiske kvinder i løbet af det sidste år. Og for nogle bringer selv døden ikke lukning. Efter at den 22-årige Shivan Kihembo døde i Oman i oktober-måneder efter at hun var blevet solgt der-blev hendes far, Patrick Mugume, spurgt af hans datters "ejere" om penge, hvis han ville have hendes lig tilbage.

"Jeg solgte min jord ... og sendte den til hendes chef i Oman, før liget blev løsladt," siger han.

I betragtning af blodet og slid, der binder dem, kan man forvente tætte forbindelser mellem Uganda og Golfnationer. Men Oman, Jordan og Kuwait har ikke engang ambassader i Kampala. Deres ambassader i nabolandet Kenya reagerede ikke på OZYs anmodninger om kommentarer. Sandt nok har vandrende arbejdere fra andre afrikanske lande lidt menneskerettighedskrænkelser - og ikke kun i Golfen, men også i Sydøstasien - i de seneste år, der har trukket sammenligninger med slaveri. Men hvad der er anderledes med Uganda, siger eksperter, er den åbenhed, hvormed kvinder auktioneres på markeder sammen med husdyr og husholdningsartikler.

Sisi Tukize hævder, at en af ​​hendes nyrer blev fjernet uden hendes samtykke, mens hun arbejdede i Oman.

Ved kremeringsceremonien for Nambereke blev meget af hundredvis af sørgers vrede rettet mod ugandiske myndigheder. Officielt har Uganda forbudt sine borgere at søge arbejde i de fleste mellemøstlige lande - udelukkende Saudi -Arabien og Jordan - fordi det ikke har nogen diplomatiske aftaler om arbejdernes rettigheder med disse nationer, siger Ugandas kønsminister Janat Mukwaya.

Dette forbud virker dog sjældent som en afskrækkelse, når der er et løfte om betydelig økonomisk gevinst, der bliver dinglet før de udsatte, siger eksperter. Uganda har en indkomst pr. Indbygger på $ 604, så Nambereke blev lovet tre gange, hvad den gennemsnitlige borger tjener. Det er heller ikke nogen overraskelse, at de markeder, hvor ulovlige menneskehandlere finder kvinder, de kan narre eller købe, overvejende er i det østlige Uganda. Det er en del af landet, der har set langt lavere fattigdomsreduktion end andre regioner, ifølge Verdensbanken, med elektricitet til rådighed for kun 6 procent af familierne mod 32 procent i landets centrale region. For at komme uden om forbuddet tager menneskehandlerne kvinderne over grænsen til Kenya efter at have rettet deres pas op og derefter flyve dem til Mellemøsten.

Fordi de rejser til lande, hvor de ikke er lovligt at arbejde i, er selv de kvinder, der oprindeligt troede, at de skulle blive ansat, bange for at forsøge at kontakte myndighederne, siger eksperter. Og deres værtslande - i en region, der ikke er kendt for sit forsvar for migranters menneskerettigheder - har lidt incitament til at prioritere bekymringer for disse slaver frem for de af nationer, der lovligt sender arbejdere dertil. Og så stiger slaveriet - ligesom dødsfaldene gør. Ligesom Nambereke vendte Kezia Nalwanga tilbage til Uganda fra Oman død i april med medicinske rapporter, der indikerede, at hun døde af kvælning. Authorities are also recording cases of abuse from countries where Ugandans are legally allowed to work such as Jordan, Juliet Nakiyemba died at the age of 31 in October. A postmortem showed her kidneys had been removed prior to her death.

Some, like Stella Namazzi, who escaped from her masters in Jordan, return with tales of horror. “We were lined up in a big room,” she recalls. “Those who wanted to buy us came and pointed out who they wanted to buy. We were sold as if we were domestic animals.” For the traffickers, there’s big money involved: The women bought for $14 are sold for as much as $10,000 in the Middle East, authorities say.

When Zubedah Nakitende complained to her Jordanian employers that her hands were aching from work, her boss gave her what she thought was water to wash her hands. It turned out to be an acid that ate up her fingers. Unable to work anymore, she was sent back to Uganda — where she had to have her fingers amputated. “We should support such girls when they come back so that they go back to normal life,” says Sophia Namutebi, a respected philanthropist and traditional healer who helped Nakitende. “We should also support families of those who die while there.’’

But what about prevention and law enforcement? Uganda police spokesman Fred Enanga says they plan to raid the eastern Uganda markets where girls are being sold and arrest both the sellers and the buyers. John Mugisha, the probation officer in Uganda’s Ministry of Gender, Labour and Social Development, says they’ve sent an investigation team to the country’s east to probe the slave trade. The ministry, Mugisha adds, has also requested a budget of 34 billion shillings (nearly $100,000) to help tackle the growing crisis and rehabilitate the children bought in the markets.


New York City's Slave Market by Sylviane Diouf June 29, 2015

On June 27, a plaque marking the site of New York City's main 18th-century slave market was unveiled in Lower Manhattan by Mayor Bill de Blasio. Reflecting on 300 years of local history, he drew a comparison between black life then and now: "It was true two, three centuries ago, even though it was never acknowledged. It was true then, it is true today. It will be true tomorrow. Black lives matter.” The recognition of black New Yorkers' vital role in the history of the city was long overdue.

This history had started with the arrival of a black man. In June 1613, Juan Rodrigues, a f ree sailor from Hispaniola (in what is today the Dominican Republic) who worked for a Dutch fur trading company, was left on Manhattan Island to trade with Native Americans. He was the first non-indigenous permanent resident of Manhattan and remained the only one until 1621 when the Dutch West India Company (WIC) built a settlement and began introducing African labor.

In 1626, 11 Africans from Congo, Angola, and the island of Sao Tome were transported to the small town. Eighteen years later, the men, who had petitioned the local Dutch authorities to get their freedom, were liberated. Each one received land. Their collective 300 acres stretched from the Bowery Road to 5th Avenue and 39th Street. Their freedom was conditional, though they had to deliver one “fat hog” and 22.5 bushels of corn, wheat, peas, or beans to the WIC every year or be re-enslaved. Their wives were freed too, but not their children.

Whereas during the Dutch period, 70 percent of the Africans came from the Caribbean under British rule — which started in 1664 — most arrived directly from Africa. Of the close to 4,000 people whose origins are known, 1,271 came from Madagascar, 998 from Congo, 757 from Senegambia, 504 from the Gold Coast (Ghana), 239 from Sierra Leone, and 217 from non-identified areas of the continent.

With the aggressive increase in the slave trade and the expansion of the city, an official slave market opened in 1711 by the East River on Wall Street between Pearl and Water Streets. By 1730, 42 percent of the population owned slaves, a higher percentage than in any other city in the country except Charleston, South Carolina. The enslaved population—which ranged between 15 and 20 percent of the total — literally built the city and was the engine that made its economy run.

The slave market on Wall Street closed in 1762 but men, women, and children continued to be bought and sold throughout the city.

After the abolition of slavery, which became effective on July 4, 1827, New York’s shameful history of discrimination, racism, rigid segregation, and anti-black violence continued. By the 1850s, the city was dominating the illegal international slave trade to the American South, Brazil, and Cuba. New York benefited much from slavery and the slave trade: southern cotton and sugar sailed to Europe from its harbor. Banks, insurance companies — among them Aetna, JP Morgan Chase, and New York Life — and lawyers made a brisk business with slaveholders and slave ship owners. Traders and builders outfitted slave ships.

In this northern city, pro-Confederate sentiment ran high, and in July 1863, during the infamous Draft Riots 11 black men were lynched, tortured, mutilated, some hung from lampposts and burned. About 100 people (mostly blacks) were killed in Manhattan and Brooklyn, 100 buildings were destroyed, the property damage was high. The brutal episode changed the demographics of black New York. From 12,472 in 1860, the black population decreased to 9,943 in 1865.

But through it all, from running away and launching revolts to establishing progressive churches, schools, abolition and mutual aid societies, black New Yorkers, enslaved and free, resisted and fought back.

We need many more markers to tell their heroic story.

The marker, the brainchild of writer and artist Christopher Cobb, took years and the advocacy of City Council member Jumaane Williams to become reality.

The text was written by the Parks Department and the Landmarks Preservation Commission in collaboration with former Schomburg Center curator and historian Christopher Moore.


What to Call It?

The St. Augustine pavilion has served as an "all-purpose protest site" from early twentieth-century socialists to suffragettes to Iraq war protesters. 19 David Nolan, interview with the author, March 22, 2012. "Slave market" is not found in written records until the 1870s. 20 For examples of the term "slave market" used prior to the 1880s, see Earnest A. Meyer, "Childhood Memories" reprinted in El Escribano: The St. Augustine Journal of History 44 (2007): 204, in which Meyer depicts the "slave market" dated 1875. An illustration in Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper from May 1878 also depicts the "slave market." A portrait bust of female slave Nora August, inscribed in part, "purchased from the Market, St. Augustine, Florida April 17th 1860" is found in the sculpture collection at the Museum of the Confederacy, see Museum of the Confederacy, Before Freedom Came: African American Life in the Antebellum South (Richmond: Museum of the Confederacy and University of Virginia Press, 1991), cover, 8. As for what to call the site and how to present it publicly, plaza markers contradict each other (Figures 39–40). The predominantly white St. Augustine Historical Society now officially sanctions the structure as "a public market that had occasional slave sales." A historical marker, "Public Market Place," just south of the pavilion erected in 1970 by the St. Johns County Historical Commission details only the weights and measures first established there and omits any mention of slavery (Figures 17–18). Like much of St. Augustine's tourist infrastructure, the 1970 sign highlights Spanish colonial accounts, not African American history.

Slaves were sold in and around the public market. While most slave sales in pre-Civil War St. Augustine took place at plantations, in homes, or on boats, public transactions usually occurred on the steps of the Government House directly west of the plaza. Visiting St. Augustine in 1827, Ralph Waldo Emerson wrote of the slaves he saw auctioned in the Government House yard, including the sale of "four children without the mother who had been kidnapped therefrom." 21 Ralph Waldo Emerson, Journals of Ralph Waldo Emerson, red. Edward Waldo Emerson and Waldo Emerson Forbes (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1909), 177, quoted in Len Gougeon, Virtue's Hero: Emerson, Antislavery, and Reform (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1990), 33. Henry L. Richmond, "Ralph Waldo Emerson in Florida," Florida Historical Quarterly 18, nej. 2 (October 1939): 75–93. Hoping that the balmy climate would cure his tuberculosis, the twenty-three-year-old Emerson saw his first slave sale while in the Government House for a Bible Society meeting. "One ear therefore heard the glad tidings of great joy," he wrote, "whilst the other was regaled with 'going gentlemen, going!'" 22 Gougeon, 33. Witnessing slavery firsthand confirmed his staunch abolitionism.

Figures 17–18. Holly Goldstein, Marker for "Public Market Place," Plaza de la Constitución, St. Augustine, Florida, 2012. Figure 17. Detail of the Marker. Figure 18. Marker for "Public Market Place" and the Market.

Deeds of sale and newspaper clippings document slave sales in the market. As examples, the St. John's County Deed book cites the sale of "two slaves [Malvina and Gabina, both about nineteen] . . . at public auction to the highest bidder at the market house in St. Augustine" in 1836 "the sale of a negro woman Sally at public auction in the market house" to settle the Mary Hanford estate and the auction of twenty-eight-year-old Tamaha, for $180. 23 County Deed Book, 24, 126, 288. Public Market Clippings File, St. Augustine Historical Society Research Library. These slave sales and others are also documented in E. W. Lawson, "The Slave Market," Today in St. Augustine, May 21, 1939. Public Market Clippings File, St. Augustine Historical Society Research Library. Det East Florida Herald advertises slave sales to be held "in the public market" from the 1820s through the 1840s. 24 Auction advertisement from the East Florida Herald, October 31, 1827. Also recorded in Deed Book F, 394. In addition to auctions, the market was often the site for public corporal punishment. In August 1849 "a negro man named Daniel, the property of M. Antonio Bouke, was to receive thirty-nine stripes on his back in the public market for escaping" and "a negro man named Joseph received the same punishment in the public market" one week later. 25 Public Market Clippings File, St. Augustine Historical Society Research Library. The market also hosted meetings of the slave patrol, white citizens who apprehended "all slaves or free persons of color, who may be found in the streets thirty minutes after the ringing of the Bell without having a proper pass from their masters or guardians." 26 David Nolan, "Slaves Were Sold in Plaza Market," St. Augustine Record, September 27, 2009.

Introducing these names—Malvina, Gabina, Sally, Tamaha, Daniel, Joseph, and others—attaches human lives to St. Augustine's market, although precious few names were recorded and almost nothing is known about them. One first-person narrative, The Odyssey of an African Slave, recounts the story of Sitiki, later called Jack Smith, an African who died free in St. Augustine. 27 Griffin, Patricia, ed., The Odyssey of an African Slave (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2009). While Sitiki was not sold at the market, his story of capture (as a five-year-old in Africa) and enslavement (traveling the eastern shore with various masters) offers a glimpse into this history. 28 Walter Johnson's Soul by Soul: Life Inside the Antebellum Slave Market (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2001) examines the New Orleans slave market, North America's largest, where over 100,000 slaves were sold. While the rate of exchange in New Orleans vastly exceeds that of St. Augustine, Johnson's account of slave narratives, slave-owner letters, and court records offers insight into the commercial exchanges and human lives in St. Augustine.


Hidden Patterns af Borgerkrig

In March 1853, the English painter Eyre Crowe visited Richmond. Having recently read Uncle Tom's Cabin , on his first morning in the city Crowe promptly located some advertisements for slave auctions in a local paper, asked someone at his luxurious hotel (the American Hotel, located just a couple blocks south of Virginia's Capitol) for directions, and set off to witness the slave trade firsthand for himself. He didn't have to travel far down Main Street —just a few blocks—before he located the nucleus of Richmond's slave trading establishments on 15th or, as it was also known, Wall Street. He witnessed one auction, moved a bit down the road to another auction house to witness a second, and again to a third. In that third room, he took out paper and pencil to sketch a group of slaves waiting to be auctioned. Drawing these enslaved men and women rather than buying them was a suspicious and provocative thing to do. Fearing he might be an abolitionist, the dealers and buyers in the room soon threatened Crowe. While, by his own account, he didn't immediately flee lest he betray cowardice, he did display common sense he soon if unhurriedly left, making his retreat from Richmond's slave district.

This map, the accompanying essay, and the book on which they draw (Maurie McInnis, Slaves Waiting for Sale: Visualizing the Southern Slave Trade [University of Chicago Press, forthcoming, 2011]) provides the twenty-first century public a look at the Richmond Crowe saw. It shares one of the English painter's goals: to document the material culture of Richmond's slave market. On an 1856 map of Richmond we have placed representations of buildings from Richmond's commercial district. (The footprint of these buildings comes, for the most part, from Frederick W. Beers' 1876 Richmond City Atlas.) Those represented as grey had a wide assortment of uses: some were manufacturing or commercial establishments, others private residences, others combined both private and public functions. Those in red were in 1853 together constituted Richmond's slave market. They were auction houses where men and women were sold, slave jails where they were held prior to sale, and auxiliary businesses that supported the trade.

Interspersed among these buildings are numerous antebellum sketches, photographs, and daguerrotypes. These images convey something of what nineteenth-century Richmond and the city's slave market looked like. Use the navigational menu to explore this three dimensional environment. When clicked all of the slave market buildings and many other buildings will yield information their proprietors and functions in 1853. Double-clicking a sketch or photograph show that image aligned within the 3D model.

Mapping Richmond's Slave Trade is a collaborative project between scholars at the University of Richmond's Digital Scholarship Lab, Maurie McInnis, Associate Dean in the College of Arts and Sciences at the University of Virginia, and archivists at the Valentine Richmond History Center. Our goal in presenting this view of 1853 Richmond is to join the conversation about how Richmond represents its past (a conversation that has recently been organized and institutionalized through efforts such as the Future of Richmond's Past). Memorializing the civil war and antebellum past on the landscape is a familiar practice in the former capital of the Confederacy. Its memorialization, however, has rarely addressed the topics and places represented here.


This drawing of the slave ship Brookes shows the plan for packing 482 captive people onto the decks. This detailed cross sectional drawing was distributed by the Abolitionist Society in England as part of their campaign against the slave trade, and dates from 1789.


'It Was As if We Weren’t Human.' Inside the Modern Slave Trade Trapping African Migrants

B y the time his Libyan captors branded his face, Sunday Iabarot had already run away twice and had been sold three times.The gnarled scar that covers most of the left side of his face appears to show a crude number 3. His jailer carved it into his cheek with a fire-heated knife, cutting and cauterizing at the same time.

Iabarot left Nigeria in February 2016 with a plan to head northward and buy passage on a smuggler&rsquos boat destined for Europe, where he had heard from friends on Facebook that jobs were plentiful. The journey of more than 2,500 miles would take him across the trackless desert plains of Niger and through the lawless tribal lands of southern Libya before depositing him at the southern shore of the Mediterranean Sea. Han nåede det aldrig. Instead, he was captured the moment he arrived in Libya, then sold to armed men who kept a stable of African migrants they exploited for labor and ransom.

The brand on his face, he says, was both punishment and a mark of identification. Fourteen other men who attempted to escape the fetid warehouse where they had been held as captive labor in Bani Walid, Libya, for several months in 2017 were similarly scarred, though the symbols differed. Iabarot, who is illiterate, wasn&rsquot sure if they were numbers or letters or merely the twisted doodles of deranged men who saw their black captives as little more than livestock to be bought and sold. &ldquoIt was as if we weren&rsquot human,&rdquo the 32-year-old from Benin City, Nigeria, tells TIME.

Iabarot is among an estimated 650,000 men and women who have crossed the Sahara over the past five years dreaming of a better life in Europe. Some are fleeing war and persecution. Others, like Iabarot, are leaving villages where economic dysfunction and erratic rainfall make it impossible to find work or even enough to eat. To make the harrowing journey, they enlist the services of trans-Saharan smugglers who profit by augmenting their truckloads of weapons, drugs and other contraband goods with human cargo.

But along the way, tens of thousands like Iabarot are finding themselves treated not just as cargo but as chattel and trapped in a terrifying cycle of extortion, imprisonment, forced labor and prostitution, according to estimates by the International Organization for Migration (IOM) and the U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime. &ldquoThey are not only facing inhuman treatment. They are being sold from one trafficker to another,&rdquo says Carlotta Sami, southern European regional spokesperson for UNHCR, the U.N. refugee agency. Essentially, they are slaves: human beings who have been reduced to being possessions with a fixed value, based on assessments of the kind of income they can accrue to their owners as targets for extortion, as unpaid labor or&mdashas is often the case with women&mdashprostitutes.

Slavery may seem like a relic of history. But according to the U.N.&rsquos International Labor Organization (ILO), there are more than three times as many people in forced servitude today as were captured and sold during the 350-year span of the transatlantic slave trade. What the ILO calls &ldquothe new slavery&rdquo takes in 25 million people in debt bondage and 15 million in forced marriage. As an illicit industry, it is one of the world&rsquos most lucrative, earning criminal networks $150 billion a year, just behind drug smuggling and weapons trafficking. &ldquoModern slavery is far and away more profitable now than at any point in human history,&rdquo says Siddharth Kara, an economist at the Carr Center for Human Rights Policy.

The corridor from Africa&rsquos most populous country to its northern Mediterranean shores has proved especially lucrative. As conflict, climate change and lack of opportunity push increasing numbers of people across borders, draconian E.U. policies designed to curb migration funnel them into the hands of modern-day slave drivers. The trade might be most visible in Libya, where aid organizations and journalists have documented actual slave auctions. But now it is seeping into southern Europe too&mdashin particular Italy, where vulnerable migrants are being forced to toil unpaid in the fields picking tomatoes, olives and citrus fruits and trafficked into prostitution rings.

&ldquoWe no longer need slavers going into Africa to capture their quarry,&rdquo says Aboubakar Soumahoro, a union representative who came to Italy from Ivory Coast 17 years ago with the hope of finding a better life. &ldquoThe rope of desperation has replaced their iron chains. Now Africans are sending themselves to Europe and becoming slaves in the process.&rdquo

When Iabarot reached Libya&rsquos southern border, he met a seemingly friendly taxi driver who offered to drive him to the capital city, Tripoli, for free. Instead, he was sold to a &ldquowhite Libyan,&rdquo or Arab, for $200. He was forced to work off his &ldquodebt&rdquo on a construction site, a pattern that repeated each time he was sold and resold. &ldquoIf you work hard, you get bread,&rdquo he tells TIME from the darkened room of an abandoned hotel in Benin City that the Nigerian government is using to house human trafficking victims rescued from Libya. &ldquoIf you refuse to work, you are beaten. If you run away and get caught …&rdquo His voice trails off. The scar on his face says the rest.

In 2016, the year Iabarot set out from Nigeria, the number of migrants arriving in Italy from Libya spiked to 163,000, prompting a political backlash and a determination to stanch the flow at all costs. In February 2017, the E.U. launched a plan to train and equip the Libyan coast guard to intercept smuggler boats and keep the migrants in detention camps.

Two years later, the arrivals in Italy are down 89%. But the policy has caused a bottleneck on the other side of the Mediterranean and a lingering humanitarian crisis. The IOM estimates that nearly half a million sub-Saharan African migrants are currently trapped in Libya, ripe for exploitation by armed groups and corrupt officials. Julie Okah-Donli, director general of Nigeria&rsquos National Agency for the Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons, went on a fact-finding mission to Libya last year after hearing reports of Nigerians living in &ldquoslavelike conditions.&rdquo She tells TIME she was sickened by what she saw. &ldquoIn some of the camps we visited, they had already taken truckloads of the guys to go work on the farms and in the factories for no pay at all. As long as they are in those camps, they are treated like slaves.&rdquo

When CNN aired footage of what appeared to be African migrants being sold at a slave auction at a Libyan detention camp in November 2017, the outrage was immediate and global. The U.N. Security Council condemned the &ldquoheinous abuses,&rdquo the E.U. demanded &ldquoswift action,&rdquo and French President Emmanuel Macron called for a military rescue operation.

Yet just over a year on, little has been done to prevent these abuses. E.U. member states are renewing calls to halt Europe-bound migrants at the Libyan coastline. &ldquoThe situation for refugees and migrants in Libya remains bleak,&rdquo says Heba Morayef, Middle East and North Africa director for Amnesty International. &ldquoCruel policies by E.U. states to stop people arriving on European shores, coupled with their woefully insufficient support to help refugees reach safety through regular routes, means that thousands of men, women and children are trapped in Libya facing horrific abuses with no way out.&rdquo

When Joy, a 23-year-old Cameroonian university student, arrived in the coastal Libyan city of Sabratha in August 2017, she thought she was well on her way to France to pursue her dream of becoming a fashion model. But a government-backed militia, emboldened by the E.U. deal to crack down on migrant smuggling hubs, raided the compound where she was staying. She was picked up by a rival group and locked in a room with scores of other women for several months. The women were expected to work as prostitutes, and some were sold to buyers looking to staff their own brothels. Joy, several months pregnant at that time, was largely left alone, she says, but the conditions were &ldquoinhumane.&rdquo

Joy, who speaks the polished French of an educated woman, says the E.U. directive to curb migrant arrivals not only emboldens corrupt Libyans but also amplifies their deep-seated prejudice against black Africans. &ldquoThe Libyans understood that if the E.U. doesn&rsquot want blacks to come, it means we are not valuable as humans,&rdquo she tells TIME, cradling her newborn, in a shelter for trafficked women in Lagos, Nigeria. &ldquoThe E.U. is essentially rewarding these militias for abusing us, for raping us, for killing us and for selling us.&rdquo

The migrants who do make it across the Mediterranean are not free from the cycle of exploitation. On an autostrada in Puglia, southern Italy, last August, a van packed with Africans slammed headlong into a tomato truck and flipped across the meridian. Twelve of the migrant laborers, who had spent a grueling day working the harvest, died in the crash. It was the second such accident in two days. In total, 16 men&mdashfrom Ghana, Guinea, Gambia, Nigeria, Mali, Morocco and Senegal&mdashdied that weekend.

They had been ensnared by an ancient Italian system of press-gang labor called caporalato that enables farmers to outsource their labor needs to middlemen for a set fee, avoiding payroll taxes, work-safety requirements and minimum-wage payments in the process. It is illegal, widespread and dominated by organized crime. A 2018 report commissioned by Italy&rsquos trade unions estimates that some 132,000 workers suffer from the most exploitative aspects of caporalato, including nonpayment of wages and physical abuse. Most are migrants from sub-Saharan Africa and Eastern Europe.

& ldquoCaporalato has been around forever, but the system really takes advantage of migrants because of their vulnerable status,&rdquo says Yvan Sagnet, a 33-year-old antislavery activist from Cameroon who has been living in Italy since 2010. &ldquoThey don&rsquot have papers, they don&rsquot know their rights, and they are desperate to earn money.&rdquo

Sagnet would know&mdashhe was sucked into the caporalato system as a foreign student when a failed exam resulted in the loss of his university scholarship. A friend told him he could make money on the summer tomato harvest in Puglia, but when he arrived, he says, he was inducted into a system designed to extract the maximum amount of work for minimal pay.

The capo, or boss, told Sagnet he could make up to $33 a day filling crates with tomatoes. What he didn&rsquot mention was that the cost of transportation to the fields would be deducted from his wages, along with his water and his food. &ldquoAt the end of the day, I was making $4.50. It wasn&rsquot work. It was slavery. But most people had no choice,&rdquo says Sagnet.

A day after the second transport accident in Puglia, Italian Interior Minister Matteo Salvini, who is also head of the far-right, anti-migrant League party, decried the Mafia&rsquos role in the region&rsquos exploitative labor practices. Then he blamed the migrants: &ldquoThese episodes tell us that out-of-control immigration helps the Mafia. If there were no migrants desperate to be exploited, it would be more difficult for them to do business.&rdquo Stopping migration, he said, would put a stop to organized crime. It would also mean the end of inexpensive tomato sauce, wine and olive oil, says Sagnet, pointing out that Italians aren&rsquot willing to work 16-hour days, or harvest tomatoes for $4 a crate.

&ldquoThe problem isn&rsquot the Mafia or the migrants. It&rsquos the cost of cheap goods,&rdquo he says. When retailers tell farmers they will only buy tomatoes for 8¢ a kilo, says Sagnet, the farmers can&rsquot afford to pay normal wages. But if the stores charge more, customers will go somewhere else. Sagnet, who now runs an antislavery organization called No Cap, for &ldquono to caporalato,&rdquo says uber-competitive grocery stores are contributing to the abuse of migrant labor.

Sagnet estimates that the true retail cost of a kilo of tomatoes, including transport and processing, should be around $2.25. &ldquoIf you go to the market and see them for 30¢, it means they used caporalato. There is no other way to get tomatoes that cheap.&rdquo Sagnet estimates that 3 out of 5 items in every Italian&rsquos weekly food basket, including wine, cheese, fruit, vegetables and olive oil, are produced in part by unfair migrant labor.

It&rsquos not just Italians who benefit. The modern consumer&rsquos insatiable quest for $10 manicures, shiny new smartphones and cheap luxury foods comes at the cost of unfair labor. Everyday goods linked to the slave trade include cell phones, pet food, jewelry and canned tomatoes. The 2018 Global Slavery Index found that G-20 countries import some $354 billion worth of products at risk of being produced by modern slavery every year.

In Italy, Sagnet&rsquos organization is launching a certification process that will enable farmers to market their produce as slavery-free and local distributors to place certified products in grocery stores. Customers are already accustomed to paying slightly more for organic produce, he says. Now they will have the choice to buy bondage-free items as well. &ldquoOrganic is important, but isn&rsquot it also important to know that there was no slavery involved in the making of the food you eat?&rdquo

European customers are also responsible for a different kind of exploitative trade. Of the 16,000 women who arrived in Italy from Libya from 2016 to 2017, an incredible 80% fell victim to sex trafficking, according to the IOM&mdashdestined for a life of sexual slavery in the streets and the brothels of Europe.

One such woman is Gladys. At age 22, she left Nigeria after an aunt&rsquos friend offered her a job in a hair salon in the faraway city of Turin, Italy. Her trafficker kept her locked in a Libyan brothel, she says, denying her food and drink until she agreed to service clients. In the end, she sold her virginity for a plastic jug of water.

Finally arriving in southern Italy on a smuggler&rsquos boat, she called the aunt&rsquos friend, who said the job was still waiting. She even offered a place to stay. But when Gladys arrived in Turin, the woman&rsquos warm phone demeanor disappeared. Gladys owed $22,530 for the trip, she was told, and would have to work it off walking the streets as a prostitute. &ldquoI went to her house for help, thinking I would find comfort in a fellow Nigerian,&rdquo says Gladys bitterly. &ldquoInstead, she wanted to use me.&rdquo Gladys had no money, no papers and no place to stay. She says she had no choice but to do what the woman demanded.

Across Italy, Nigerian women are slowly displacing the Eastern Europeans who once dominated the illicit sex industry. Most, like Gladys, are from Nigeria&rsquos impoverished rural southwest, where a generation of young people are seeking their fortunes abroad. Recruiters, often in the guise of concerned family friends, lure young women&mdashand convince their parents&mdashwith promises of money to be made in Europe&rsquos hair salons, hotels and boutiques.

Once in Europe, the women are told that they owe anywhere from $20,000 to $60,000 to cover the cost of their journey. They are threatened with abuse, deportation or harm to their families back home if they don&rsquot pay. Once the debts are paid off, after three to five years of several $25 tricks a day, the trafficked women usually stay on in Europe to earn money on their own and perhaps return home with enough funds to buy a house, start a business or support their family. Often, says Okah-Donli of the Nigerian antitrafficking organization, the returnees become madams themselves, flaunting their wealth to lure new victims to Europe and perpetuating the cycle. That&rsquos what Gladys thinks happened to her aunt&rsquos friend in Turin.

Despite the threats from her madam, Gladys escaped as soon as she was able to skim a few hundred dollars from her daily earnings. But freedom was no better. Alone and terrified of being deported, Gladys reluctantly returned to what she knew best. Several months ago, she heard about a program in the northern Italian city of Asti that helps trafficking victims with job training, counseling and housing. But resources are few, and the organization, Progetto Integrazione Accoglienza Migranti (PIAM), has space for only 250 women. Gladys spent several months on a waiting list before the program could offer her shelter and counseling.

The need for more services is immense, says founder Princess Inyang Okokon, who was trafficked to Turin from Nigeria in 1999. Okokon estimates that there are 700 to 1,000 sex trafficking victims who need help in the Asti region alone. &ldquoEveryone talks about the problems of trafficking, but there is no discussion on what happens after a girl is trafficked,&rdquo says Okokon.

It&rsquos not surprising that many trafficked women return to prostitution, she says. Jobs are limited in Italy, even for the women who have learned Italian or who have the right to stay. And few want to return to Nigeria, laden with debt and the stigma of what they have done. &ldquoIt isn&rsquot a simple issue of them being economic migrants&mdashno, they were trafficked here, so they can&rsquot just be sent back,&rdquo Okokon says.

Some escape this cycle of modern slavery, but it&rsquos a fraught and complex process. After his final escape from his Libyan captors, Iabarot managed to scrape together enough money to purchase a place on a smuggler&rsquos boat. Within hours of departing, he was rounded up by the Libyan coast guard and sent back to a detention camp. Terrified of facing another round of torture and forced labor, Iabarot volunteered to return to Nigeria through an IOM repatriation program. A week later, on March 22, 2018, he and 148 other Nigerians landed in Lagos on a chartered plane. It was no small irony that Iabarot and his fellow Nigerians, many of them rescued from cases of indentured servitude, forced labor and outright slave auctions, were processed through the cargo terminal.

So far, more than 10,000 Nigerians have returned home through the aid agency&rsquos repatriation program. Each returnee is given a phone, a meal and the equivalent of $112 to get home. Once they are settled, they can apply for work training and small-business grants, but for most, homecoming is a bittersweet experience. &ldquoA lot of them took loans to pay the smugglers, or their families sold everything they had. So when they come back empty-handed like this, it&rsquos a challenge,&rdquo says IOM&rsquos migration program manager in Lagos, Abrham Tamrat. Many end up trying to go back to Europe.

Yet putting a stop to this sector of modern slavery starts by stopping irregular migration, says Kara, the slavery economist. A 2016 IOM report found that 7 out of 10 migrants crossing from North Africa to Europe had experienced exploitation of some kind or another, including kidnapping for ransom, forced labor, illegal detention and sexual violence. As conditions in Libya deteriorate, the situation is likely to get even worse. In Europe, anti-migrant sentiment is driving those without papers deeper underground, where they are more vulnerable to exploitation.

By 2050, 40% of the world&rsquos poorest people will be living in the Democratic Republic of Congo and Nigeria, according to the 2018 Gates Foundation Goalkeepers report. If the right investments aren&rsquot made now, says Okokon, of the Italian anti-trafficking organization PIAM, even more people will risk the journey abroad. &ldquoIf you really want to stop sex trafficking, give young Nigerians a reason to stay home. Invest in our youth. Give them jobs. If Nigeria is good for them, they won&rsquot risk their lives coming to Europe.&rdquo At the same time, she adds, it&rsquos essential to open up more venues for legal migration. It is nearly impossible for young Africans with little means to come to Europe, yet there is clearly a demand for their labor. &ldquoEurope needs farmers, domestic workers, people to harvest. Africa has that.&rdquo Soumahoro, the union representative in Italy, puts it more bluntly: &ldquoHumans are being sold because the embassies of Europe won&rsquot give visas to Africans.&rdquo

As long as the opportunities for men and women like Iabarot are limited in their home countries, they will continue risking everything to find something else in Europe. Iabarot says he wouldn&rsquot go through Libya again, but he would consider leaving again by a different route. &ldquoI had to leave because there was nothing for me here. There still isn&rsquot,&rdquo he says. &ldquoSo what should I do?&rdquo


1. 40% of New Yorkers Owned Slaves

Slavery in America is most commonly associated with southern plantation but many city dwellers also owned slaves and New Yorkers were no exception. In fact, New York was the biggest slave owning colony in the North. By 1741, 1,800 people amid a population 10,000, were black slaves. Blacks consisted of one third of the city’s workforce and one in every five households owned at least one slave. One Scottish traveler even complained, “it rather hurts a European eye to see so many negro slaves upon [New York’s] streets.”


The hidden links between slavery and Wall Street

This month marks 400 years since enslaved Africans were first brought to what is now the United States of America. Slavery was officially abolished in the US in 1865, but historians say the legacy of slavery cannot be untangled from its economic impact.

On a hot August day, 25 people are gathered around a small commemorative sign in New York's financial district. Their tour guide explains that this was the site of one of the US' largest slave markets.

Just two streets away from the current site of the New York Stock Exchange, men, women and children were bought and sold.

"This is not black history," says Damaris Obi who leads the tour. "This is not New York City or American history. This is world history."

It is also economic history.

Stacey Toussaint, the boss of Inside Out Tours, which runs the NYC Slavery and Underground Railroad tour, says people are often surprised by how important slavery was to New York City.

"They don't realise that enslaved people built the wall after which Wall Street is named," she says.

By some estimates, New York received 40% of US cotton revenue through money its financial firms, shipping businesses and insurance companies earned.

But scholars differ on just how direct a line can be drawn between slavery and modern economic practices in the US.

"People in non-slave areas - Britain and free US states - routinely did business with slave owners and slave commerce," says Gavin Wright, professor emeritus of economic history at Stanford University. But he says the "uniqueness" of slavery's economic contribution has been "exaggerated" by some.

Slavery thrived under colonial rule. British and Dutch settlers relied on enslaved people to help establish farms and build the new towns and cities that would eventually become the United States.

Enslaved people were brought to work on the cotton, sugar and tobacco plantations. The crops they grew were sent to Europe or to the northern colonies, to be turned into finished products. Those finished goods were used to fund trips to Africa to obtain more slaves who were then trafficked back to America.

This triangular trading route was profitable for investors.

To raise the money to start many future plantation owners turned to capital markets in London - selling debt that was used to purchase boats, goods and eventually people.

Later in the 19th Century, US banks and southern states would sell securities that helped fund the expansion of slave run plantations.

To balance the risk that came with forcibly bringing humans from Africa to America insurance policies were purchased.

These policies protected against the risk of a boat sinking, and the risks of losing individual slaves once they made it to America.

Some of the largest insurance firms in the US - New York Life, AIG and Aetna - sold policies that insured slave owners would be compensated if the slaves they owned were injured or killed.

By the mid 19th Century, exports of raw cotton accounted for more than half of US oversees shipments. What wasn't sold abroad was sent to mills in northern states including Massachusetts and Rhode Island to be turned into fabric.

The money southern plantation owners earned couldn't be kept under mattresses or behind loose floorboards.

American banks accepted their deposits and counted enslaved people as assets when assessing a person's wealth.

In recent years, US banks have made public apologies for the role they played in slavery.

In 2005, JP Morgan Chase, currently the biggest bank in the US, admitted that two of its subsidiaries - Citizens' Bank and Canal Bank in Louisiana - accepted enslaved people as collateral for loans. If plantation owners defaulted on loan payment the banks took ownership of these slaves.

JP Morgan was not alone. The predecessors that made up Citibank, Bank of America and Wells Fargo are among a list of well-known US financial firms that benefited from the slave trade.

"Slavery was an overwhelmingly important fact of the American economy," explains Sven Beckert, Laird Bell Professor of American History at Harvard University.

Prof Beckert points out that while cities like Boston never played a large role in the slave trade, they benefited from the connections to slave driven economies. New England merchants made money selling timber and ice to the south and the Caribbean. In turn, northern merchants bought raw cotton and sugar.

New England's fabric mills played a key role in the US industrial revolution, but their supply of cotton came from the slave-reliant south.

Brands like Brooks Brothers, the oldest men's clothier in the US, turned southern cotton into high-end fashion. Domino's Sugar, once the largest sugar refiner in the US, processed slave-grown sugar cane.

America's railroads also benefited from money earned through slave businesses. In the south, trains were built specifically to move agricultural goods farmed by enslaved people, and slaves were also used as labour to build the lines.

Some scholars even argue the use of slavery shaped modern accounting. Historian Caitlin Rosenthal points to enslavers who depreciated or lowered the recorded value of slaves over time as a way to keep track of costs.


Se videoen: Slave Power (Juli 2022).


Kommentarer:

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