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Malvern Hill - Historie

Malvern Hill - Historie


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Af W. T. ROBBINS, COLONEL, C.S. A.

Slaget ved Seven Pines, "eller Fair Oaks", var blevet udkæmpet uden resultat. De midlertidige succes for de konfødererede tidligt i forlovelsen havde været mere end opvejet af de vendinger, de fik på den anden dag, og de to hære lå passivt og så hinanden foran Richmond. På dette tidspunkt blev kavaleriet i Lees hær kommanderet af general JEB Stuart, og denne rastløse officer opfattede tanken om at flankere den føderale hærs højre fløj nær Ashland og bevæge sig bagud for at krydse Chickahominy -floden på et sted kaldet Sycamore Ford, i New Kent County, marcherer over til James River og vender tilbage til de konfødererede linjer nær Deep Bottom i Henrico County. Ved udførelsen af ​​denne plan ville Stuart fuldstændig omringe hæren af ​​general McClellan. På tidspunktet for denne bevægelse var forfatteren adjutant for det 9. Virginia kavaleri. Da ordrerne blev udstedt fra hovedkvarteret med instruktion om de flere kommandoer, der var bestemt til at danne ekspeditionen for at forberede tre dages rationer, og ordnanceofficererne til at udstede tres runder ammunition til hver mand, husker jeg formodningerne og formodningerne om vores destination. Betjentene og mændene var i godt humør i forventning om en kamp, ​​og da buglerne råbte "Støvler og sadler", var hver mand klar. Mændene, der blev efterladt i lejren, klagede over deres held, og de, der udgjorde detaljerne for ekspeditionen, var glade for udsigten til en vis spænding. "Farvel, drenge; vi skal hjælpe gamle Jack med at drive Yanks ind i Potomac," hørte jeg en af ​​dem råbe til de efterladte.

Om eftermiddagen den 12. juni gik vi ud til Brooke turnpike, forberedende til marchen. Kavalerikolonnen var den 9. Virginia, under kommando af oberst W. H. F. Lee, den 1. Virginia, ledet af oberst Fitz Lee og Jeff Davis Legion, under oberst Martin. En del af Stuart Horse Artillery, under kommando af kaptajn Pelham, ledsagede ekspeditionen. Det hele talte tolv hundrede mand. Den første nat blev bestået i bivuak i nærheden af ​​Ashland, og der blev udstedt ordrer, der håndhæver streng tavshed og forbyder brug af brande, da ekspeditionens succes ville afhænge af hemmeligholdelse og ærlighed. Den følgende morgen, ved daggry, blev tropperne monteret, og marchen blev påbegyndt uden en bugle blast, og søjlen satte kursen direkte mod Hanover Court House, fjernt omkring to timers tur. Her havde vi det første blik på fjenden. Et spejderparti i det 5. amerikanske kavaleri var i landsbyen, men blev hurtigt afkrydset, da vores tropper blev konstateret som konfødererede. En fange blev taget efter en varm jagt landet over. Vi flyttede nu hurtigt til Hawes's Shop, hvor en føderal picket blev overrasket og fanget uden at affyre et skud. Næppe var fangerne blevet afvæbnet og overgivet til provostvagten, da den konfødererede fremrykning blev drevet ind på hovedkroppen af ​​en eskadre af føderalt kavaleri, sendt ud fra Old Church for ved rekognoscering at undersøge, om rapporten om et konfødereret fremrykning var sand eller falsk. General Stuart beordrede straks oberst W.H.F. Lee, der befalede regimentet, der ledede kolonnen, at kaste en eskadre frem for at møde fjenden. Oberst Lee instruerede kaptajn Swann, chef for den ledende eskadre i sit regiment, til at lade sablen sande. Swann flyttede af sted ved trav, og da han vendte et hjørne af tudsen, så han fjendens eskadre omkring to hundrede meter foran ham. Bekendtgørelsen blev givet, og mændene skyndte sig frem i fin stil. Begyndelsen var så pludselig, at det føderale kavaleri brød og spredte i forvirring. Sidstnævnte startede på knap to hundrede yards, men de konfødererede råb, der brød i luften, lånte dem vinger, og kun få faldt i vores hænder. Resten slap væk efter en jagt på halvanden kilometer. Nu blev vejen meget smal, og børsten på hver side var et sted, der var så gunstigt for en ambuscade, at kaptajn Swann anså det for klogt at trække tøjler og lyde buglen for at genkalde sine mænd. Stuart, der havde marcheret støt fremad med hovedkroppen i den konfødererede søjle, ankom snart til fronten, og forskudsvagten, som jeg hele tiden havde befalet, blev instrueret i at komme videre igen. Jeg steg straks af mændene og skubbede fremad op ad en bakke

i min front. Lige ud over bakken løb jeg ind i en styrke af føderalt kavaleri opstillet i en firesøjle, klar til at lade op. Ligesom min forskudsgarde var ved at løbe ind i ham, hørte jeg deres kommandant give ordre til at lade. Jeg faldt tilbage og underrettede straks general Stuart om fjendens tilstedeværelse. Kaptajn Latan, der havde kommandoen over en eskadre i det 9. Virginia, blev instrueret i at bevæge sig fremad og rydde vejen. Han bevægede sig op ad bakken ved trav, og da han i øjnene af fjenden på vejen gav kommandoen til at lade, og med et råb skyndte mændene frem. På toppen af ​​bakken, samtidigt med Latanés ordre om at opkræve, blev et selskab af føderalt kavaleri, indsat som skirmishers i skoven til højre for læsningen, stemplet og skyndte sig tilbage i skoven for at gøre deres tilbagetog til deres gode venner. Lederen af ​​Latanés eskadre, dengang bare rimeligt op ad bakken, var i linjen for deres tilbagetog og blev adskilt fra resten af ​​eskadronen, afskåret af føderalenes jag og blev båret sammen med dem op ad vejen mod fjenden . Jeg kørte ved siden af ​​Latan, og netop på det tidspunkt, hvor det føderale selskab skyndte sig tilbage på vejen. Kaptajn Latané faldt ned af sin hest og blev skudt ihjel. Federalernes jag adskilte mig selv og seks af eskadronens førende filer fra vores venner, og vi blev båret af de flyvende føderaler. Selvom det føderale kavaleri både foran og bag var på fuld tilbagetog, var vores situation yderst farlig. Snart blev vi skubbet af fjender i vores bageste ind i rækken af ​​dem i vores front, og der fulgte en række hånd-til-hånd-kampe. At skyde eller nedskære os var hver føderals mål, da han nærmede sig os, men vi gjorde, hvad vi kunne for at forsvare os selv. Hver af mine kammerater blev skudt eller skåret ned, og jeg undslap alene uskadt. Efter at have været båret af den tilbagetrækende fjende i måske en kvart mil, sprang jeg min hest over hegnet ind i marken og kom så væk.

Nu kom rushen af ​​den konfødererede kolonne, der fejede vejen fri og fangede mange fanger. På dette tidspunkt blev mit regiment lettet af den første Virginia, og oberst Lee fortsatte forfølgelsen. Federalerne forsøgte ikke at tage stilling, før de nåede Old Church. Her stoppede deres betjente standsning og forsøgte at samle sig for at forsvare deres lejr. Fitz Lee fejede dem hurtigt og brændte deres lejr. De gjorde intet andet forsøg på at stå, og vi hørte ikke mere om dem som et organiseret organ, men mange fanger blev taget, da vi passerede. Vi havde overrasket dem, taget dem i detaljer og var langt mindre end dem på alle punkter. De føderale styrker blev, som vi bagefter erfarede, kommanderet af general Philip St. George Cooke, svigerfar til general Stuart, til hvem sidstnævnte sendte en høflig besked. Ofrene i denne træfning var let-en mand dræbt på hver side, og omkring femten eller tyve sårede på den konfødererede side, for det meste sabelskær.

Vi stoppede en kort tid ved den gamle kirke, og folk i nabolaget, da de hørte om vores ankomst, kom flokkende ud for at hilse på os og ønske os Gud-fart. De kom ikke tomhændede, men bragte alt, hvad de kunne snuppe op i øjeblikket, med rette ansporing, med rette antagelse af, at alt for at dæmpe sult eller tørst ville være acceptabelt for os. Nogle af damerne bragte buketter og præsenterede dem for betjentene, da de marcherede langs. En af disse blev givet til general Stuart, der altid galant lovede at bevare den og tage den med til Richmond. Han holdt sit løfte.

Vi var snart langt bag ved McClellans hær, der lå direkte mellem os og Richmond. Det blev antaget sandsynligt, at det føderale kavaleri koncentrerede sig i vores bageste for at afbryde vores tilbagetog. Vi fortsatte lige ved Smiths butik gennem New Kent County til Tunstalls station på York River Railroad. Jeg havde haft ansvaret for den konfødererede forskudsgarde indtil det tidspunkt, hvor oberst Fitz Lee kom til fronten med den første Virginia og lindrede den 9. af denne pligt. Da han var nede i New Ken County, sendte general Stuart efter mig igen til fronten. Skyndende nåede jeg hurtigt til toppen af ​​spalten, hvor jeg fandt generalen, og blev instrueret af ham om at tage tredive mand som forskudsvagt og gå forud for søjlen med omkring en halv kilometer. Ydermere blev jeg instrueret i at standse ved vejen fra møllerne til Det Hvide Hus længe nok til at klippe telegraftråden på den vej; derfra for at fortsætte til Tunstalls station på York River Railroad, hvorefter fanger dårligt informerede generalen, blev der sendt et kompagni af føderalt infanteri. På Tunstalls station blev jeg instrueret i at oplade infanteriet, sprede eller fange dem, skære telegrafen og forhindre jernbanen. Her var vores farepunkt. Da vi var kommet over jernbanen, var vi forholdsvis sikre. Men i besiddelse af jernbanen, med dets rullende materiel, kunne fjenden let kaste tropper langs dens linje til et givet punkt. Der var imidlertid ikke givet rettidig information til den føderale general. Vi flyttede med en så stor ærlighed, at vi havde de første nyheder om vores ankomst med os. Ved at skubbe frem i trav og hente spredte fanger hvert par hundrede meter, nåede forhåndsgarden langt om længe telegrafvejen. På dette tidspunkt overhalede vi en ordonnancevogn, tungt lastet med kantiner og Colts revolvere. Hestene var gået i stå i et mudderhul, og chaufføren, der skar dem ud af vognen, flygtede. Den ansvarlige sergent stod fast og blev taget til fange. Her var faktisk en præmie, da vi i den tid var dårligt bevæbnet. For at spare tid blev en mand forsynet med en øks sendt for at klippe telegraftråden, mens resten af ​​partiet var i gang med at rifle vognen. Mens disse operationer var i gang, kom et legeme af føderalt kavaleri, der pludselig vendte en sving i vejen, frem. Så snart forbundsofficeren så os, stoppede han, og stod stille på vejen og syntes ikke at vide, hvad han skulle gøre. Hans mænd tegnede deres sabler, som om de ville oplade, men de kom ikke videre. På dette tidspunkt var telegrafen blevet skåret og vognen bortskaffet. Vores mænd blev hastigt monteret og formet til firsøjle med tegnede sabler, klar til enhver nødsituation. Der stod vi og kiggede på hinanden, cirka to hundrede meter fra hinanden, indtil hovedet af den konfødererede kolonne kom til syne, da føderalerne trak sig tilbage ad vejen, der førte til Det Hvide Hus. En mand fra det føderale parti blev sendt tilbage ad vejen til Tunstalls station, nu kun cirka en halv kilometer væk. Jeg formodede naturligvis, at denne budbringer blev sendt for at advare de føderale tropper hos Tunstall om vores tilgang. Jeg blev imidlertid senere informeret om, at han galopperede gennem Tunstalls, men aldrig stoppede, og da nogen kaldte til ham: "Hvad skal der betales?" Han skyndte sig og råbte med højeste stemme: 'Helvede skal betale!'

Vejen, der nu var klar, marcherede vi hurtigt, og ankom nær stationen ladet ned på den med et råb. Vi kunne se fjenden spredt rundt om bygningen og slappe af, før vi anklagede dem. Størstedelen spredtes til dækning og blev forfulgt af vores folk. Jeg skubbede lige mod stationshuset, hvor jeg fandt kaptajnen for infanteriets kompagni med tretten af ​​hans mænd, der stod foran bygningen, men uden arme i hænderne. Kun en af ​​dem syntes at være villig til at vise kamp. Han løb til platformen, hvor musketterne var stablet, og greb en af ​​dem og begyndte at læsse. Inden han kunne ramme sin patron hjem, fik en fejning af sablen i umiddelbar nærhed af hans hoved ham til at smide sin pistol ned og hoppede i en grøft, han undgik under broen over jernbanen og flygtede. Jeg havde ikke tid til at forfølge ham; men vendte sig om for at passe på de andre og mødte kaptajnen, der med sværdet i hånden avancerede og overgav sig selv og hans kompagni som krigsfanger. Jeg fortsatte derefter med at forhindre jernbanen. For at gøre dette effektivt forårsagede jeg et træ, der stod ved siden af ​​vejen. Den faldt over jernbanen. Ud over dette placerede jeg på tværs af en eg-tærskel, der var omkring en fod kvadrat og fjorten meter lang. Jeg havde knap tid til at gøre dette, før et tog fra Richmond retning tordnede ned. På dette tidspunkt ankom general Stuart med hovedorganet til stationen. Motorføreren i det kommende tog, der sandsynligvis så forhindringerne på sporet og en stor kavaleri der, mistænkte fare, og da han var en pjattet fyr, satte han al damp på og kom farende ned. Motoren, der ramte forhindringerne, slog dem af vejen og gik videre uden uheld. General Stuart stak dårligt af en række af hans mænd og lagde dem på en høj bred med udsigt over et snit i vejen, lige under stationen, hvorigennem toget skulle passere. De kastede en tæt og effektiv brand ind på det forbipasserende tog, fyldt med tropper. Mange af disse blev dræbt og såret.

Det var nu anden nat siden vi forlod lejren, og de velfyldte haversacks, som vi startede med fra lejren, havde længe været tomme. Marchen havde været så hurtig, at der var ringe mulighed for at søge efter mennesker eller dyr. Bortset fra lidt brød og kød, der blev bragt til søjlen af ​​landets folk, da vi gik forbi, havde vi ikke haft noget siden daggry. Mændene var trætte og sultne, og hestene var næsten udmattede af den lange hurtige og hårde træning. Så snart der var foretaget en ordentlig disposition over fangerne og de fangede heste og muldyr, gik søjlen videre. Nede gennem New Kent County, til et sted kaldet New Baltimore, marcherede vi så hurtigt, som vores tilstand tillod det. Jeg var stadig i kommandoen over forskudsvagten, marcherede et stykke foran kolonnen og havde ordre til at standse på dette tidspunkt og afvente, at hovedkroppen kom op. Heldigvis havde en initiativrig Yankee etableret en butik her for at fange handel med alle personer, der passerede fra McClellans hær til hans forsyningsbase i Det Hvide Hus. Han havde kiks, ost, dåsefrugter, sardiner og mange andre smagfulde kavalerier; og i den korte time, vi tilbragte hos ham, blev vi på forhånd gjort til nye mænd. Jeg frygter, at der ikke var mere tilbage for at juble og for at styrke de bageste. Det vigtigste organ, der ankom, "frem" var ordren-lige ned gennem New Kent til Sycamore Ford på Chickahominy.

En smuk fuldmåne oplyste vores vej og kastede underlige skygger hen over vores sti. Forventede hvert øjeblik at møde fjenden, lignede hver busk i det fjerne en vagtpost, og hvert takkede træ bøjede sig over vejen som en vidette. Martsende hele natten ankom vi til vadestedet mellem daggry og solopgang; og her begyndte vores virkelige problemer. Til vores ærgrelse fandt vi vandløbet hævet af de seneste regnskyl næsten ud af bredden og løb som en strøm. Ingen mand eller hest kunne komme over uden at svømme, og det skete, at indgangen til vadestedet på vores side var under det punkt, hvor vi skulle ud på den anden side. Derfor måtte vi svømme mod strømmen. På grund af mudder og mudder var det ikke praktisk muligt for et antal heste at nærme sig floden på noget tidspunkt undtagen ved vejen, der fører til vadestedet. Vi prøvede det derfor der i to lange timer. Det 9. kavaleri foretog retssagen. Efter gentagne forsøg på at svømme hestene over gav vi op, for vi havde kun krydset over 75 mand og heste på to timer. Mens vi forsøgte at nå den modsatte bred, kom Stuart op, og da krydset på dette tidspunkt var upraktisk, red han af sted for at finde en anden længere nede ad floden. På et tidspunkt cirka en kilometer under, kendt som Forge Bridge, lykkedes det ham at smide en bro, der var stærk nok til at bære artilleriet, over en gren af ​​floden, og som mændene, efter at de var blevet taget af, kunne gå på. Her var tilgangen på vores side højere op ad strømmen end det punkt, hvor vi ville komme ud på den anden side. Så hestene blev formet til en firesøjle, skubbet i vandet, og svømmende ned ad åen roste de let på den anden side. Efter at et par heste var blevet krydset på denne måde fandt vi ingen problemer, de andre fulgte ganske let videre. Søjlen var nu på en ø dannet af de to grene af Chickahominy, og for at nå fastlandet var det nødvendigt at krydse den anden gren af ​​floden.

Dette blev imidlertid opnået, men med en vis vanskelighed. Forden ved denne passage var på det tidspunkt meget dyb, og floden ud af sine bredder og overfyldte lejlighederne til en dybde på cirka to fod i mindst en halv mil. På dette sted stak limber til en caisson fast i mudderet, og vi forlod det.

Da jeg forlod floden, beordrede general Stuart mig til at tage ansvar for bagvagten og, når alt var krydset, at brænde broen. I overensstemmelse med disse ordrer instruerede jeg mændene om at samle bunker med hegnsskinner, hobe dem på broen og sætte dem i brand. Efter min ordre var hestene blevet ført et stykke tilbage fra floden ind i børsten, hvor de var skjult for synet. Mændene hængte rundt på jorden, da broen faldt i. Jeg sad under et træ på flodbredden, og i det øjeblik hvæsende det brændende tømmer på broen lod mig vide, at den var faldet ned i floden vand, et geværskud ringede fra den anden side, og den fløjtende kugle skar et lille lem af over mit hoved, som faldt i mit skød. Skuddet blev sandsynligvis affyret af en eller anden spejder, der havde fulgt os, men som var bange for at skyde, indtil broen var væk. Med et taknemmeligt hjerte for hans dårlige mål trak jeg straks mændene tilbage og skubbede en efter søjlen Da jeg kom til vadestedet, fandt jeg det nødvendigt at svømme hestene et stykke, da det var blevet uddybet ved krydsning af sådanne en 1 stor krop af heste. Snart var søjlen i sigte, og marchen over Charles City County til James River blev foretaget lige så kraftigt, som de nedslidte heste var i stand til at stå. Mændene, selvom de var trætte og sultne, var i fjendtlige ånder og jublede] over den vellykkede krydsning af Chickahominy. Ved solnedgang nærmede vi os James, på plantagen af ​​oberst Wilcox. Her hvilede vi i cirka to timer efter at have marcheret ind på en kløvermark, hvor hestene spiste sig mætte. I tusmørket blev ildene tændt for at tilberede de rationer, som vores finsnittere lige havde indbragt.

Vi var nu femogtyve miles fra Richmond, på "James River Road." Havde fjenden været klar over vores position, havde det været let for ham at kaste en styrke mellem os og Richmond, og så afskære os. Men den føderale general var ikke godt tjent med hans spejdere, og hans kavaleri gav ham heller ikke nøjagtige oplysninger om vores bevægelser. Stolende på fjendens fejl begav Stuart sig til at marchere direkte ind i Richmond ved floden, som vi nu ligger på. For at opnå dette med større sikkerhed var det nødvendigt for ham at marchere med det samme. Derfor blev jeg beordret til at tage forskudsvagten og flytte ud. Så snart hungersnødene blev dæmpet, tog søvnen os i besiddelse. Selvom det var i sadlen og i bevægelse og bevidst om, at ekspeditionens sikkerhed var afhængig af stor årvågenhed, hvis fjenden skulle støde på, var det svært at holde sig vågen. Jeg faldt konstant i søvn, tør og vågnede med en start, da jeg næsten var væk fra min hest. Dette var tilstanden for hver mand i spalten. Ingen havde lukket øjnene i søvn i otteogfyrre timer.

Fuldmånen oplyste os på vores vej, da vi passerede langs floden læste, og ofte bragte vejens snoede os tæt på og i syne af James -floden, hvor fjendens flåde lå. I den grå tusmørke ved søndagens daggry passerede vi efter hinanden "Double Gates", "Strawberry Plains", tørre "Tighlman's gate". Hos "Tighlman's" kunne vi se flådernes master, ikke langt væk. Heldigvis for os var bankerne høje, og jeg forestiller mig, at de ikke havde udsigt til rigningen, og vi passerede uden at observere. Synet af fjendens flåde havde vækket os noget, da "Hvem tager derhen?" ringede på stilheden af ​​den tidlige morgen. Udfordreren viste sig at være en vidette fra det 10. Virginia Cavalry, under kommando af oberst J. Lucius Davis, der plukkede den vej. Snart gav jeg hånd på oberst Davis og modtog hans tillykke. Derefter krydsede vi åen ved kandefabrikken, op mod "New Market" -højderne, ved borehuset, og cirka en kilometer derfra kaldte vi standsning for lidt hvile og mad. Fra dette tidspunkt blev de flere regimenter afvist til deres respektive lejre.

Vi mistede en mand dræbt og et par sårede, og ingen fanger. Det vigtigste resultat var den tillid, mændene havde fået til sig selv og til deres ledere. Landet ringede med ros af de mænd, der helt havde raidet omkring general McClellans magtfulde hær og bragte fanger og plyndring under hans næse. De sydlige papirer var fyldt med beretninger om ekspeditionen, ingen præcise, og de fleste af dem vidunderlige.


10 fakta: Malvern Hill

Fakta 1: Malvern Hill var den sidste af de syv dages kampe.

Den 26. juni 1862, mindre end en måned efter at have taget kommandoen over den nydøbte hær i Northern Virginia, satte general Robert E. Lee sine tropper i offensiven. I løbet af den næste uge drev angribende konfødererede deres blåklædte kolleger fra stærke positioner uden for Richmond, og afslørede general George B. McClellans plan om at erobre den konfødererede hovedstad. Blodige kampe på steder som Beaver Dam Creek, Gaines 'Mill, Savage's Station, og 30. juni ændrede Glendale krigens tempo og tenor i Virginia.

Om morgenen den 1. juli 1862 fandt Lee's hær endnu en gang truende den tilbagetrækende hær af Potomac. Yankees havde imidlertid en stærk defensiv position på en let skrånende eminens kun to miles nord for floden, kaldet Malvern Hill, og inviterede Lee til at slå til. De konfødererede lancerede en række ukoordinerede overfald, der løb hovedkulds ind i det velplacerede føderale artilleri. Da mørket faldt på, havde Lees mænd undladt at fjerne Yankees, der trak sig tilbage den nat. Lee forfulgte ikke de syv dages kampe var forbi.

Fakta #2: Slaget ved Malvern Hill, var første gang i løbet af de syv dage, at hele Potomac -hæren blev forenet på samme felt.

Lees uventede og voldelige overfald i den sidste uge af juni 1862 fangede general George B. McClellan helt på vagt. Næsten øjeblikkeligt fastslog "Little Mac", at han ikke længere kunne tage Richmond, og satte sin hær i fuldstændig tilbagetog til James. Undervejs lavede elementer fra Army of the Potomac modige stande i forsøget på at bremse Lees fremskridt - men McClellan indsatte aldrig hovedparten af ​​sin hær for at kontrollere oprørsoffensiven.

Den 1. juli 1862 var alle fem føderale korps på samme sted på samme tid for første gang den uge. Den åbne natur i selve Malvern Hill tillod Yankees at indsætte hele deres enorme hær på en måde, de ikke havde siden de syv dage begyndte. Imidlertid blev elementer fra tre korps detaljeret for at bevogte føderalernes højre flanke, og følgelig så der ingen handling. Selv med alle sine tropper på ét sted udnyttede McClellan ikke hele sin hær.

Fakta #3: General McClellan ledede ikke sin hær under slaget.

Da McClellan havde besluttet sig for at trække sig, fratog føderal chefen tilsyneladende alt ansvar for at styre sin hær, mens de kæmpede for at klare Lees ubarmhjertige fremrykning. Han tilbragte det meste af 30. juni ombord på pistolbåden Galena, mens Army of the Potomac afværgede katastrofe ved Glendale.

Mens McClellan var på banen under det meste af slaget ved Malvern Hill, var hans rolle ikke meget mere aktiv, end den havde været tidligere. I de tidlige timer den 1. juli mødtes McClellan med sin foretrukne underordnede, general Fitz John Porter for at diskutere dispositionen over sine tropper, før han igen trak sig tilbage til Galena - formentlig for at forberede hærens forsyningsbase ved Harrisons landing. Den kommanderende general vendte tilbage til feltet senere, men var tilfreds med at lade Porter og hans andre korpschefer styre slaget på egen hånd. I modsætning til slaget den foregående dag havde McClellans underordnede imidlertid et klart overblik over slagplanen, og da Porter fungerede som de facto hærfører, kunne den unge Napoleon være sikret, at planen ville blive gennemført.

Fakta #4: Defekte kort forsinkede betydeligt konføderationernes ankomst til Malvern Hill.

For at slå Federals på en Malvern Hill var Lee nødt til at massere de forskellige elementer i sin hær. Lee afviste ordrer til sine chefer og henviste dem til at nærme sig Malvern Hill med to hovedakser i forvejen - Carters Mill Road og Willis Church Road. Desværre for de konfødererede brugte det kort deres kommanderende general brugte til planlægningen af ​​denne relativt enkle manøvre forkert mærket Willis Church Road, "Quaker Road". Dette ser ud til at være et dagligdags navn på en række veje, der formodentlig fører til et nærliggende Quaker -forsamlingshus. Således førte lokale guider, der hyrede Lees tropper, dem ad den forkerte vej og væk fra slagmarken. Forvirringen blev til sidst sorteret ud, men forårsagede de konfødererede en timelang forsinkelse.

Fakta #5: Den "farciske" præstation af det konfødererede artilleri tillod Unionens artilleri at dominere slaget.

Fordi han udnyttede højlandet nord for Malvern Hill, beordrede Robert E. Lee placeringen af ​​to "store batterier" - massive arrays af hans artilleri - til støtte for venstre og højre fløj i hans hær. Lee mente, at ild fra disse massekanoner ville konvergere til Unionens centrum og svække Yankees 'evne til at modstå kraften i infanteriangrebet, der skulle følge.

Det udskydede konfødererede artilleri spillede næsten ingen rolle i slaget ved Malvern Hill. Rob Shenk

Desværre for de konfødererede forhindrede logistiske problemer alle, bortset fra en brøkdel af Lees artilleri, fra nogensinde at nå feltet, og dem, der gjorde det, blev sat i gang stykkevis. Den forbittrede divisionschef general Daniel H. Hill gik så langt som at kalde de konfødererede batteriers ydeevne "mest farcisk". Unionens artilleri - hele 40 kanoner samlet i midten af ​​den føderale position - gjorde et hurtigt arbejde med at undertrykke deres oprørske kolleger. Da de konfødererede kanoner ikke længere var en vigtig faktor, rettede Yankee-skyttere deres opmærksomhed mod linierne med gråklædt infanteri, der avancerede op ad skråningerne af Malvern Hill og dominerede dermed slaget.

Fakta #6: Terrænets karakter tvang de to fløje af Lees hær til at føre to separate kampe.

Det forhøjede plateau kendt som Malvern Hill bestod af store åbne gårdsmarker, der spænder fra de stejle skråninger i Malvern Cliffs i vest til Western Run, mod øst. Willis Church Road, der løber nogenlunde nord til syd, gennemskårede Unionens position på toppen af ​​bakken. Vest for denne vej er landet en svag stigning fra den nordlige del af feltet til toppen af ​​Malvern Hill nær Crew House. De konfødererede på denne del af feltet under Benjamin Huger og John Magruder gjorde deres fremskridt, mens de konstant blev udsat for føderalt artilleri og håndvåben, som ødelagde deres rækker.

Den østlige del af feltet, "Stonewall" Jacksons front, er brudt af akavede fremspring af skove og stejle svaler. Disse funktioner tillod Jackson's mænd at rykke mod Unionens linje uden for de føderale kanoner på toppen af ​​bakken, men de blev også fuldstændig afskåret fra deres kammerater vest for vejen. Ikke i stand til at se - endsige støtte - hinanden de to fløje i Lees hær blev overladt til at kæmpe hver for sig.

Fremadstormende i denne svale blev "Stonewall" Jacksons konføderationer skjult for unionsartilleri indsat foran West House, set her. Douglas Ullman, Jr.

Fakta #7: På trods af Unionens artilleris dominerende rolle påførte konfødererede infanteri betydelige tab på føderalerne.

Oberst Henry J. Hunts velplacerede unionsartilleri spredte stor ødelæggelse på de konfødererede infanteri, men Lees tropper fortsatte deres fremrykning og kom endda i effektivt område for deres riflede og glatborede musketer for at bringe Unionens kanoner i fare. Som et resultat blev Yankee -infanteri i nærheden - som Charles Griffins femte korps -brigade eller den irske brigade - hastet frem for at køre rebellerne og beskytte deres artillerimand mod håndvåbenild.

Dette gjaldt især på Stonewall Jacksons front, hvor topografien tillod konfødererede at rykke ud af syne af Unionens artilleri. General Darius Couchs division af blåklædte fodsoldater-herunder en brigade af New Yorkers under general Daniel Sickles-skyndte sig ned ad skråningen for at kontrollere dette fremskridt.

Dette udfordrer det forenklede syn på Malvern Hill som blot en kamp mellem konfødereret infanteri og unionsartilleri. Som historikeren Bobby Krick påpeger, i betragtning af den ubetydelige rolle, som det konfødererede artilleri spillede under slaget, er det dog mere end sandsynligt, at en god del af de mere end 3.000 unionsulykker ved Malvern Hill var resultatet af disse infanterikampe.

Fakta #8: Den meget omtalte irske brigade fik sit ry på Malvern Hill.

Siden dets dannelse havde unionshærens irske brigade modtaget stor opmærksomhed fra den nordlige presse, meget af den var selvfremmende fra sin chef, general Thomas Francis Meagher. Bortset fra en håndfuld tropper, der havde været forlovet ved First Bull Run, havde de fleste af disse irske soldater endnu ikke set betydelige handlinger. Den 1. juli 1862 begyndte det at ændre sig.

Efterhånden som konfødererede angribere kom tættere og tættere på de føderale kanoner på Malvern Hill, blev Unionens infanteri sendt frem for at drive dem tilbage. Blandt de enheder, der blev opfordret til denne pligt, var den irske brigade, der sent på dagen blev sat i kamp for at afværge de sidste konfødererede angreb på Malvern Hill. Fra det øjeblik begyndte den irske brigades at bakke op om sin tidlige krigshype med solide slagmarkens præstationer.

Fakta #9: Selvom sejrherrer, trak Federalerne sig tilbage efter slaget og sluttede effektivt McClellans kampagne for at tage Richmond via halvøen.

Unionens sejr på Malvern Hill, mens en moralbooster for Army of the Potomac, gjorde intet for at ændre omstændighederne for mændene i forbundshærens rækker. Deres ryg var til James River, deres forsyningslinjer sårbare, og de var udmattede efter en uges hårde marcher og tunge kampe. Så trods en fremragende præstation, fortsatte Yankees tidligt næste morgen deres tilbagetog til Harrisons Landing, tolv miles væk. Kampagnen for at tage Richmond via halvøen var slut.

Faktisk havde George McClellan besluttet sig for at opgive denne bevægelse mod Richmond allerede natten til 26. juni. McClellan, der kaldte sin hærs tilbagegående bevægelse for et "skift af base", overdrev ros til sin hær for deres " overlevelse mod modgang. " Stopping the Confederates at Malvern Hill merely allowed the Yankees the chance to complete their retreat to the safety of their supply base, and deny Lee the chance to destroy the Federals once and for all.

Fact #10: The Civil War Trust has saved hundreds of acres at Malvern Hill.

Over the years, the Civil War Trust and its partners have preserved hundreds of acres of the Malvern Hill battlefield. Add these to the 130 acres previously owned by the National Park Service, and visitors can now walk the entire length of the Confederate attack and appreciate just how greatly the ground itself impacted this important 1862 battle.


Malvern Hill Plantation

Malvern Hill stands on the north bank of the James River in Henrico County, Virginia, USA, about eighteen miles southeast of Richmond. On 1 July 1862, it was the scene of the Battle of Malvern Hill, one of the Seven Days Battles of the American Civil War.

The name referred primarily to the house built by Thomas Cocke in the 17th century, which remained in his family for many years. It was named after the Malvern Hills in England. The historic home was gutted by a fire in 1905 and all that now remains are end gables, including a fireplace. Nevertheless, the ruins are architecturally significant as the remains of one of few known cruciform design houses in Virginia. "The one surviving chimney is perhaps the finest example of seventeenth century diaper brickwork in the state."

The home site figured in three wars. Lafayette camped there twice in 1781 during the American Revolutionary War. Virginia militia also camped there in the War of 1812. However, it is best known as the site of bloody American Civil War Battle of Malvern Hill in 1862.


Malvern Hill

Nearby stood the Malvern Hill manor house built for Thomas Cocke in the 17th century. The Marquis de Lafayette camped here in July-August 1781, and elements of the Virginia militia encamped nearby during the War of 1812. During the Civil War, 1 July 1862, Gen. Robert E. Lee attacked Maj. Gen. George B. McClellan's Union Army of the Potomac here as it retreated to the James River from the gates of Richmond. Although he dealt Lee a bloody defeat, McClellan continued his withdrawal to Harrison's Landing. The Malvern Hill house survived the battle as a Federal headquarters but burned in 1905.

Erected 1999 by Department of Historic Resources. (Markørnummer V-4.)

Emner og serier. This historical marker is listed in these topic lists: Colonial Era &bull War of 1812 &bull War, US Civil &bull War, US Revolutionary. In addition, it is included in the Battlefield Trails - Civil War series list. A significant historical date for this entry is July 1, 1862.

Location. 37° 23.706′ N, 77° 15.007′ W. Marker is near Granville, Virginia, in Henrico County. Marker is at the intersection of New Market Road (Virginia Route 5) and Malvern Hill Lane, on the right when traveling west on New Market Road. Tryk for kort. Marker er i dette posthusområde: Henrico VA 23231, USA. Tryk for at få en vejvisning.

Andre markører i nærheden. At least 8 other markers are within 2 miles

of this marker, measured as the crow flies. The Fergusons of Malvern Hill (within shouting distance of this marker) Aggy's Freedom Suit (within shouting distance of this marker) Seven Days Battles (approx. 1.2 miles away) Advantages of Terrain (approx. 1.2 miles away) A Place of Refuge (approx. 1.2 miles away) Battlefield Landscape (approx. 1.2 miles away) The Crew House (approx. 1.2 miles away) Battlefield of Malvern Hill (approx. 1.2 miles away).

Related markers. Click here for a list of markers that are related to this marker. Battle of Malvern Hill by Markers

Se også. . .
1. Malvern Hill. National Register documentation for Malvern Hill. The entry includes a topographical map indicating the location of the ruins. (Submitted on July 27, 2008, by Craig Swain of Leesburg, Virginia.)

2. 23rd PA at Malvern Hill - July 1st 1862. This page has pictures of the Malvern Hill House including one photograph of the ruins as they are today. (Submitted on June 2, 2014, by David Graff of Halifax, Nova Scotia.)

Credits. This page was last revised on June 16, 2016. It was originally submitted on July 27, 2008, by Kathy Walker of Stafford, Virginia. This page has been viewed 1,534 times since then and 30 times this year. Billeder: 1. submitted on July 27, 2008, by Kathy Walker of Stafford, Virginia. 2. submitted on July 9, 2010, by Forest McDermott of Masontown, Pennsylvania. &bull Craig Swain was the editor who published this page.

Editor&rsquos want-list for this marker. Photos of the Malvern Hill ruins. &bull Can you help?


Malvern Hill - History

Sites near Hereford & Worcester

The 2000 year old ramparts are still clearly visible today, making the hill look a little like a giant layered wedding cake.

360 degree panoramic view from the top of British camp

Originally it was thought to have been a purely defensive feature which people retreated to in time of trouble.

Now excavations at the nearby fort on Midsummer Hill suggest that they were occupied permanently.

360 degree panoramic view from Millennium Hill

If this is true it was probably home to 4,000 people, and was occupied for between four and five hundred years.

What did the Romans ever do for us?

The coming of the Romans meant the end of hill forts, but the start of one of the great Malvern legends.

Popular folklore has it that the Ancient British chieftain Caractacus made his last stand at British Camp.

The legend says that he was captured after a heroic fight and transported to Rome, where he so impressed the Emperor Claudius that he was given a villa and a pension.

Unfortunately, like many legends, it's unlikely to be true.

Caractacus was captured by the Romans, but if the account of his final battle by the Roman historian Tacitus is accurate then it's unlikely to have taken place at British camp.

Caracticus played his final card and chose a site for a battle so that the approaches, the escape routes, everything, was awkward for us and to his sides advantage. On one side there were steep hills. Where ever approaches were gentle he piled boulders into a sort of rampart. In front of him flowed a river of doubtful fordability and squadrons of armed men were in position on the defences.
Tacitus: Histories

Even given the River Severn's habit of flooding it takes a huge stretch of the imagination to describe it as being in front of British camp.

Experts now generally agree that Caractucus's last stand took place near Church Stretton.

As any good journalist knows the facts never get in the way of a good story, and the legend still continues to this day.

Elgar was sufficiently taken with it to compose his cantata Caractacus in 1898.

Even if they didn't make a last stand their the Ancients Britains are probably responsible for the name Malvern, or moel-bryn meaning "the bare hill".

The top most layer of British camp is however not Iron Age, but a Norman motte fortification.

On the ridge of the hills running north to south is the Shire Ditch, which dates to the 13th century.

If you make the walk along the ridge you will also come to Clutter's Cave, also known as Giant's Cave or Waum's Cave, after the spring that once lay beneath it.


Og The Irish Brigade

In the spring of 1861, Colonel Michael Corcoran, an Irishman commanding the 69th New York State Militia, was in the process of being court-martialed by the state for refusing to parade his regiment before the visiting Prince of Wales in New York City. While he waited, Confederate forces fired upon Fort Sumter and the Civil War began. Needing every available man, the state dropped the charges and Corcoran led his men to Virginia and the Battle of First Bull Run.

Although the battle was a Union defeat, the 69th N.Y.S.M. served gallantly and provided a strong rear guard during the retreat to Washington.

Unfortunately, among the casualties was Colonel Corcoran, who was captured and spent about a year in a Confederate prison before being paroled.

After Bull Run and President Lincoln’s call for 300,000 men to quell the rebellion Captain Thomas Francis Meagher of the 69th N.Y.S.M.’s Company K, (who was an agitator for Irish independence and had been transported to Tasmania by the English for his part in the Irish Rebellion of 1848 but had escaped and made his way to New York) decided to create a purely ethnic Irish brigade with the newly formed 69th New York State Volunteers, commanded by Colonel Robert Nugent, as its core regiment.

As the 69th Volunteers were the first regiment to reach it’s quota of men, with many joining from the old 69th Militia, it was designated the First Regiment of the Irish Brigade and was joined in November 1861 by the 63rd and the 88th New York Regiments at Camp California near Alexandria, Virginia.

These regiments were made up mainly of the poor and working class immigrant Irishmen, some fresh “off the boat”, who were trying to create a new life for themselves in their adopted country.

They enlisted for many reasons. Some joined out of patriotic fervor to help preserve the Union, for Old Ireland and New America, some joined to gain military knowledge to take back to Ireland to fight the English and gain Irish independence, some just enlisted for the chance of regular pay and food in hard economic times, or later in the war, for the large bounties that were offered and could reach as much as $700, which was about ten years wages for a laborer back in Ireland, and some just joined for the craic, for the fun of it and a chance for some adventure and excitement.

But not many joined up to free the slaves as the freed blacks who would come north would be in direct competition with the Catholic Irish who were at the bottom of the social / economic ladder in a predominantly Protestant and, some would say, anti-immigrant America.

As 1861 came to an end and the newly formed regiments went into winter camp, the Union army was reorganized and the Irish Brigade became the 2nd Brigade, 1st Division, 2nd Corps of the Army of the Potomac.

Over the course of the war the 69th and the Irish Brigade fought with distinction in every campaign of the Army of the Potomac, all too often with devastating consequences.

During the spring of 1862 they were heavily involved in the Peninsular Campaign and the Seven Days Battles, where they gained a reputation as fierce fighters at Fair Oaks Station and Malvern Hill and helped provided a solid rear guard for the whole army during the retreats to the James River.

It has been said that it was Confederate General Robert E. Lee, after enquiring about the green flag he saw in the Union ranks at Malvern Hill, and being told it belonged to the 69th New York, allegedly stated, “Ah yes..that Fighting 69th.” The nickname stuck and the Regiment has carried it proudly ever since.

In June 1862 the Brigade was strengthened when it was joined by a new regiment, the 29th Massachusetts.

On September 17th 1862, at the Battle of Antietam, still mainly armed with .69 smooth bore muskets, firing “buck and ball”, and rallying to General Meagher’s cry of ”Raise the colors, boys, and follow me!” the Brigade assaulted the Sunken Road taking heavy losses, with the 69th loosing about 60% of their numbers.

Gen. Meagher was injured when his horse was shot from beneath him, but the Brigade held its ground on the field until relieved by General Caldwell’s brigade.

After Antietam the Brigade camped near Harpers Ferry where it was refitted and was joined in October by it’s fifth regiment, the 116th Pennsylvania. While not wholly Irish by any means, many were of Dutch origin, the men of the 116th were a welcome addition to the ranks of the Brigade.

Just before the Battle of Fredericksburg the 29th Massachusetts was replaced by the 28th Massachusetts, and it was the 28th who, on December 13th 1862, carried the only green regimental flag as the Irish Brigade charged up the hill and into the mouths of the Confederate muskets and artillery on Marye’s Heights.

The battle was a disaster for the Union and particularly for the Irish Brigade, who suffered terrible casualties. After the battle only about 260 out of 1200 men of the Brigade were still able to fight.


Malvern, Worcestershire

It is likely that the Ancient Britains were responsible for naming Malvern, or moel-bryn meaning “the bare hill”.

The Malvern Hills that dominate the surrounding Worcestershire and Herefordshire landscape bear testament to their presence in the area with British Camp, an immense Iron Age hill fort whose 2000 year old ramparts remain clearly visible today.

Originally thought to have been a purely defensive feature for people to retreat within in times of trouble, recent discoveries have suggested that the fort was in fact permanently occupied over a period of five hundred years, at any one time the home to a 4,000 strong tribe.

Hill forts continued to dominate the English landscape right up until the arrival of the Romans when, one by one, they fell to the might and persistence of Roman civil engineering siege tactics.

Popular local folklore recalls how the Ancient British chieftain Caractacus made his last stand at British Camp. The legend tells that Caractacus was captured after a heroic fight and transported to Rome, where he so impressed the Emperor Claudius that he was released, given a villa and a pension.

However the legend is unlikely to involve British Camp. Yes, it is recorded that Caractacus was captured by the Romans, taken to Rome and eventually released, but if the account of his final battle by the Roman historian Tacitus is accurate, then it is unlikely to have taken place at British Camp. Tacitus describes “a river of doubtful fordability” in his events of the battle, the likes of which can only be found several miles away from Malvern. The top ramparts of British Camp are not in fact Iron Age, but a Norman motte fortification.

The Normans arrived in Malvern shortly after the Battle of Hastings, and work started on a monastery in what was then known as Malvern Chase in 1085, a chase being an area of unenclosed land where wild animals are kept for hunting purposes. Originally built for thirty monks on land belonging to Westminster Abbey, the Great Malvern Priory evolved over the next few hundred years.

The fortunes of the priory changed however when in the 1530s King Henry VIII, short of cash, decided to plunder the funds of the Popes Catholic monasteries. Any opposition was quickly brushed aside by Thomas Cromwell, and in 1539 the Malvern monks surrendered their lands and buildings. These were subsequently sold on to various people with the exception of the church, which remained the property of The Crown.

Lack of funds over the next couple of centuries resulted in hardly any repairs or maintenance being carried out to the priory. This shortage of funding meant that there was not even enough money to remove and replace the ‘Popish’ medieval glass, which still remains.

In the 1600s the English Civil War raged across the country including nearby Worcester: Malvern however, surrounded by the dense forest of Malvern Chase, emerged relatively unscathed.

Local boy and world renowned composer Sir Edward Elgar, who lived in Malvern for some years, recorded local history and legend for posterity when he released his Cantata Caractacus in 1898.

The town of Malvern prospered significantly during the Victorian era, a key date being 1842, when Doctors James Wilson and Gully set up their water cure establishments in Belle Vue at the centre of town enabling visitors to ‘take the waters’. Both Charles Dickens and Charles Darwin arrived in town to sample the water for themselves.

The reputation of the purity of Malvern water was firmly established when in 1851 J Schweppe & Co. presented it to the world at the Great Exhibition held in Hyde Park, London. More recently, water from the Holywell Spring is now bottled and marketed as Holywell Malvern Spring Water, and is available for sale at cafes, restaurants and shops in the town alternatively you can sample it free of charge at any of the 70 or so natural springs in the area.

The names and locations of the natural Malvern springs can be found at www.malverntrail.co.uk/malvernhills.htm

Museums
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Kommer hertil
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The Mystery of Private Edwin Jemison

This vulnerable young private’s face has long been an icon of the Civil War. For years he was misidentified and the manner of his death remained unknown. The recent discovery of an eccentric veteran’s horrific tale of his demise seemed to bring closure. But was it a lie?

The haunting photograph of Private Edwin F. Jemison, Company C, 2nd Louisiana Volunteers, killed at Malvern Hill,has appeared in countless books and articles.His obvious youthful innocence has conjured up strong emotions in many who had seen the photo.To many, his face is a tragic icon of the Civil War,and a symbol of the lost generations and lives cut short by all wars.But despite the image’s popular use,a mystery surrounds the Confederate soldier.

Details of his life can be found in numerous records—he was born in 1844, one of five children born to Robert and Sarah Jemison the family lived near Monroe,La.and he enlisted in the 2nd Louisiana when he was 16 years old. It is how he died that eludes us.And we want to know—we want to learn his fate.That he died during the Peninsula campaign as his regiment attacked Union positions in the July 1, 1862,Battle of Malvern Hill is an established fact. A misconception perpetrated in 1906, however, has led many scholars astray as to the exact cause of his death.

Two almost identical accounts claim Private Jemison’s life was snuffed out by a cannonball. One report was relayed by his niece,Mamie Jemison Chestney,in a family history she compiled for her own nieces and nephews.In it,Chestney states: “While his [Private Jemison’s] parents knew where he died, it was many years before they knew the details. One day my father introduced himself to a man as they sat before a hotel.The man repeated the name and said it was the first time he had heard that name since 1862 that a young soldier of that name had been fighting beside him at the Battle of Malvern Hill and been decapitated by a cannon ball. Questions proved it was Uncle Edwin.”

The other account appeared first in the Atlanta forfatning on March 26, 1906, headlined as “Soldier’s Blood Spouted on Him, Captain Moseley Meets Brother of Wartime Comrade,” and then again on April 19,1906, in the National Tribune.The account was retitled “His Head Blown Off, a Former Wearer of the Gray Tells of the Tragic Death of a Comrade During a Desperate Charge on the Union Lines at Malvern Hill.” The article described an old soldier, identified as Captain Warren Moseley,telling the tale of a grisly death at Malvern Hill to a large group of fascinated listeners.While Moseley is speaking, a man emerges from the crowd and says that the soldier whose death is being so graphically detailed was his brother, Edwin F. Jemison.To get at the truth, both the Chestney and the newspaper accounts need to be closely examined.

Mamie Jemison Chestney was a schoolteacher and published author and an avid genealogist who traced and recorded her family history.As both an author and a teacher, she would have understood the importance of fact-finding and the accuracy of sources,and the many letters she wrote to her cousin regarding her family history show attention to detail. Keeping this in mind,we can assume that the source for her story about her Uncle Edwin was reliable.The source,her father R.W.Jemison Jr.,was the younger brother of Private Jemison.In looking at the story relayed to Chestney by her father, and comparing it to the story in the newspaper, it can easily be deduced that the man R.W. Jemison spoke to was Captain Warren Moseley.

Captain Moseley was a longtime resident and police officer of Macon,Ga.,the same town in which the Jemisons lived. Despite his claim that he had not heard “that name since 1862,” it is virtually impossible that a police officer like Moseley had not heard the name Jemison in Macon.To begin with,Private Jemison’s father and his brother Samuel were both prominent attorneys,as well as the city attorneys for Macon.As such,their names appeared countless times in newspapers in both Macon and Atlanta.In 1879 city attorney R.W. Jemison Sr. committed suicide in downtown Macon. The incident was much talked about in the newspapers,and as a police officer,Captain Moseley almost certainly would have known about it.

After R.W.Jemison Sr.’s death,Samuel Jemison took over his father’s position. When Samuel died in 1886,his death and funeral were also well-documented in the local newspaper. Captain Moseley must have heard the name “Jemison” since 1862, on some occasion or another.

R.W.Jemison Jr.stood to gain nothing from the story he related to his daughter about his brother’s death,so we can assume he was telling the truth.The question is whether Captain Moseley was telling the truth when he said he witnessed the death of Private Jemison at Malvern Hill.

Taking a look at the version of the story that appeared in the 1906 newspapers is the first step in uncovering who Captain Moseley was and what his motivation might have been. In part, the story says that during the attack at Malvern Hill, Moseley claimed he was “wondering who it was who stood foremost in a charge of a Louisiana brigade with fixed bayonet,advancing up the hill and across a clover patch,when a shell from a gunboat in the bay took off his head and spattered his brains and blood all about the uniform of Captain Moseley, himself advancing through the thick rain of shot with his Georgia brigade.”

Within the article, Moseley is quoted as saying:“I turned suddenly at the terrible concussion caused by the proximity of the shell’s trail of death and saw that man standing headless, with bayonet drawn as in the charge, his blood spurting high in the air from the jugular vein,and it seemed to me an hour before he reeled and fell, still holding on to his gun.To me that was one of the most horrible sights of the period. I went back and looked at him after the fight to assure myself that it was not a dream of frenzy in those exciting moments. He was there as I had seen him fall, and more than 40 years have passed with that picture forever impressed on my memory.”

Captain Moseley then states that he had “long tried to learn who the private was.”A listener in the crowd of gentlemen on the street corner asked where the Louisiana brigade had entered the fight, and when Captain Moseley went over this part of the story again, a little chapter adding another event to the stories of the ’60s was closed.“That was my brother,” claimed the man.

The listener in the crowd is identified as R.W.Jemison.The article states that “it was his brother’s blood that had been mingled with Captain Moseley’s on the uniform of the latter at Malvern Hill when the one was killed and the other was badly wounded in the rain of shells.”The article concludes with the awkward sentence,“Both Captain Moseley and Mr. Jemison have been citizens of Macon many years, but they had not known all of this one of the many unwritten tragedies of the civil war.”

Captain Moseley drew such a vivid picture of a soldier’s battlefield death that not only was he able to convince a crowd of listeners of what he saw but he also managed to persuade R.W. Jemison that the soldier in question was his own brother.He was a gifted storyteller,but was his story of Malvern Hill the truth,or just a means of getting attention?

On August 5,1861,Moseley enlisted in Company H,4th Georgia Infantry.Company H was initially known as the “Baldwin Blues,” a tribute to the infantrymen’s home of Baldwin County.Moseley stated under oath in his pension application, dated September 12,1910,that he was captured near Winchester,Va., in 1862 and held for three months at the prison at Point Lookout,Md.,at which time he was exchanged.

By 1863, Moseley was back in the Army as a member of Company A of the 4th Georgia Reserve Cavalry, a militia unit. He was promoted to captain of Company A,giving him the rank he used with such good effect during the postwar years.He surrendered at Milledgeville,Ga., in April 1865.

The information Moseley gave in his pension application is supported by the information in The Roster of the Confederate Soldiers of Georgia,which states that Moseley was “wounded and captured at Strasburg,VA June 1,1862.Exchanged at Point Lookout, MD, about September 1862. Wounded at Chancellorsville,VA. May 3, 1863.Elected Captain Co.A,4th Regt.Ga. Reserve Cavalry April 1863. Surrendered at Milledgeville, Ga.” Of greatest interest to this story are the dates the Roster gives for Moseley’s capture and release. The Battle of Malvern Hill was on July 1,1862. Moseley had been captured exactly one month before that fight and was not exchanged until two months after. Moseley could not have been at Malvern Hill, for he was enduring the mosquitoes at Point Lookout at that time.

Even if Moseley had been at Malvern Hill, he would not have been positioned close to the unfortunate Private Jemison. Moseley’s 4th Georgia was at least a quarter of a mile from Private Jemison’s 2nd Louisiana.He simply could not have been next to Jemison, getting covered with Jemison’s blood.Moseley,it seems,embellished his wartime record.

But why would he do so? What kind of man was Captain Moseley? It is clear from newspaper accounts of his life as a Confederate veteran that he was a man who reveled in this role,attending numerous reunions and using his veteran status to earn some money. Moseley, in essence, spent a good deal of his postwar life as a “professional veteran.”

For example, in June 1892 it was reported in the Atlanta forfatning that Moseley would be attending the 4 th Georgia annual barbecue and picnic in Jeffersonville.He would be one of the event’s attractions, and the paper said he would “wear the coat which shows by its numerous bullet holes the number of wounds he received during the war in the service of the south.”

In November 1905 there was another Confederate reunion in Macon, this time much larger than the one in Jeffersonville in 1892. The event had been carefully planned for many months. Moseley was given authority to organize the cavalry element of the reunion.Hoping to have 500 cavalrymen attend, he encouraged veterans and sons of Confederate veterans to participate.The newspapers promised that the parade would feature a cavalry charge, and the Atlanta forfatning noted “the fact that Captain Moseley will be in charge is assurance of a most interesting affair.This veteran was engaged in nineteen battles, and was wounded eight times. He will wear a uniform which he possessed during the war.”

When the parade was over, according to the newspaper: “Moseley and his cavalrymen formed at the foot of Cherry Street and charged up to Cotton Avenue. All the old men in this troop rode as in their younger days, and they seemed to warm up to that rugged heat of excitement always evident among the men on the eve of battle.The war whoop sounded and the men were off.At breakneck speed, they dashed down the paved street, flashing old-time sabers. The crowds fell in behind them and yelled themselves hoarse.”

At the reunions Moseley would tell tales of his life during the war. One such story was recorded in various newspapers in December 1900.The incident described by the newspapers occurred at the Augusta veterans’ reunion and revolved around a strange tale told by Moseley concerning a “Hoodoo hat.”At the “battle of Winchester,” said Moseley, a Yankee was shot through the head, the bullet passing through his hat. A soldier of Moseley’s 4th Georgia saw the fine hat,picked it up and wore it. Two hours later that man was killed, shot through the head, the bullet passing through the same hole as the bullet that had killed the Yankee. Despite two men having been killed by shots through the hat,another 4th Georgia infantryman picked it up,and he too was struck in the head by an enemy bullet.Yet another 4th Georgia soldier picked up the hat and was shot in the head the next day.The tale concluded that this hat,despite having four previous wearers shot through the head while wearing it,was still “a fine one,”but no one would pick it up again and it was left on the field.This story sounds far-fetched,but as a great piece of entertainment, it likely captivated all those Moseley told it to.

Moseley also used his status as a Confederate veteran to make some extra money. In newspapers across the country in 1904 and 1905, an advertisement appeared featuring two “famous Confederate Veterans,”along with their photographs, who “use and recommend” Duffy’s Pure Malt Whiskey. Moseley was one of those famous veterans, and he was quoted as saying:“I never felt better in my life,and I owe it all to Duffy’s Pure Malt Whiskey. I was wounded eight times during the war and after General Lee’s surrender returned home completely broken down. My wounds gave me a good deal of trouble, and I had attacks of extreme weakness, with great loss of blood. Doctors said nothing would enrich my blood and build me up so quickly and thoroughly as Duffy’s Pure Malt Whiskey. I took nothing else.Although past 65,I am in perfect physical and mental condition and devote twelve hours a day to my business.”

Moseley’s role as celebrity veteran hit a high note when he was appointed to the staff of General A.J.West, commander of the North Georgia Brigade of the United Confederate Veterans.As recorded in the Atlanta forfatning on December 16, 1906:“Captain Warren Moseley of Macon who was last week made an aide-de-camp on the staff of General A.J.West,is among the few very striking typical Confederate soldiers left to enjoy the annual reunions of the Georgia Division. He entered the war as a private in the fourth regiment Georgia volunteers, from Milledgeville, was engaged in nineteen battles and skirmishes, wounded eight times during the war,was a prisoner many times,and as often exchanged.He was given a captain’s commission by Governor Joseph E.Brown and toward the end of the war operated in north Georgia and Tennessee under Colonel J.J. Findlay,where bushwhackers were fought. Captain Moseley has since the war been a citizen of Macon and has served on the Macon police force for a long period.His devotion to the veterans’reunion and the commemoration of the courage and bravery of southern soldiers make him at once a loyal Confederate. His appointment to the position mentioned is generally appreciated in Macon. He will serve on General West’s staff with the rank of Major.”

In May 1907, there was a national reunion in Richmond,Va.,of both Union and Confederate soldiers who had participated in the 1862 fighting for the Confederate capital.The gathering was held just a year after Moseley’s meeting with R.W.Jemison Jr. Considering the fact that Moseley could not have been at the battles for Richmond, his account reads like a rather grand tall tale.

The June 1,1907,Atlanta forfatning report on the Richmond reunion quotes Moseley as saying:“At that time the ladies of this city gave several church bells in order that they might be broken up and used to make cannon for the Confederate army.There was enough metal in the bells to make three cannon.About twentyfive pounds were left, and the remainder was used in making buckles for the soldiers’ belts.These latter contained the letters ‘C.S.’The price of the belts was $100. We were then operating in the valley of Virginia.I came down here with ten prisoners.A number of beautiful young ladies met me,and told me I might have one of the belts. I wear today the same pair of trousers I had on when I was wounded in the thigh and leg.I was also wounded several other times. I have not been here in forty-four years. I went down to the battlefield of Seven Pines [May 31–June 1, 1862] yesterday, where our brigade first went into the fight.I went to King’s school house,near Frayser’s farm [June 30,1862], where I found a house from which we fought full of bullet holes. I then went down to the swamp and found twelve pounds of shot and shell. I also found a broken saber,which was evidently broken over the head of one of the enemy.”

A few months later,Moseley again appeared in the Atlanta forfatning discussing Frayser’s Farm,another battle fought near Richmond in 1862.In an August 15 article he discusses a photograph that was given to him.The photo is of the “Frazur house, made by the Yankees shortly after the famous battle of the Seven Pines, in June 1862.” It was presented to Moseley by “Ira Watson,one of the Federal soldiers who fought in the trenches before the old house at the time it was held against a large force of Yankees by Warren Moseley,Ace Butts,T.F. Mappin and York Preston, until General Doles reached the point with a sufficient force of men to drive back the enemy.These four men killed more than eighty federal soldiers and officers in the trenches from the attic of this house and lost only one companion,York Preston, who was mortally wounded by parts of the chimney falling upon him when it was knocked away by a shell.”

The reunion at Richmond would be one of Moseley’s last.He died on December 17,1912,and was buried in Rose Hill Cemetery in Macon. Ironically, despite Moseley’s devotion to the Confederacy and avid participation in veteran affairs,he lies in a grave beneath a tombstone that does not indicate his military service.

There is little doubt that Captain Moseley and R.W. Jemison Jr. met on an afternoon in Macon and talked about the Battle of Malvern Hill.And there is little doubt that Captain Moseley gave a graphic account of a young soldier’s death. But it can be easily seen that he made up his story about Malvern Hill.He had become a professional veteran,living in the glory of the past,basking in the attention and adoration he received from younger generations.

It is unlikely that the circumstances of Private Jemison’s death will ever be fully known,and this passage from his obituary will have to suffice to describe his last moments:He “sustain[ed] himself in the front rank of the soldier and gentlemen until the moment of his death. Bounding forward at the order ‘Charge!’ he was stricken down in the front rank, and without a struggle yielded up his young life.” Regardless of details, what we do know for certain is that he was a brave young man who died a soldier’s death on the battlefield,and his photographic legacy of war’s awful cost will resonate forevermore.

For further reading, see: Extraordinary Circumstances: The Seven Days Battles, by Brian K. Burton and Echoes of Thunder: A Guide to the Seven Days Battles, by Matt Spruill III and Matt Spruill IV

Originally published in the May 2007 issue of America’s Civil War. For at abonnere, klik her.


Willis Church Parsonage

Frustrated by his failure at Glendale, Robert E. Lee gathered his army on July 1, 1862, for a final effort to destroy the Union army. But on this day, unlike his previous efforts during the Seven Days, Lee did not have a Union flank or a strung-out marching column to attack. Before him stood the powerful Union rear guard, arrayed on the plateau of Malvern Hill, about a half mile in front of you.

The Willis Church parsonage (the ruins behind you) became an important landmark on July 1. Before the attacks, division commander D.H. Hill met with his officers near the house. Colonel W. Gaston Meares of North Carolina was killed by a shell in the yard. Confederate artillery attempted to take position in nearby fields. Lee watched from a blacksmith shop that stood across the Willis Church from you.

Erected by Association for the Preservation of Civil War Sites, Inc.

Emner. Denne historiske markør er angivet på denne emneliste: Krig, amerikansk civil. A significant historical month for this entry is July 1814.

Location. 37° 25.118′ N, 77° 14.827′ W. Marker is in Glendale, Virginia, in Henrico County. Marker is on Willis Church Road 0.2 miles from Carter Mills Road, on the right when traveling south. Marker is located in the Malvern Hill Battlefield Unit of the Richmond National

Battlefield Park. Tryk for kort. Marker er i dette posthusområde: Henrico VA 23231, USA. Tryk for at få en vejvisning.

Andre markører i nærheden. Mindst 8 andre markører er inden for gåafstand af denne markør. The Gathering Storm (here, next to this marker) Battle Commences (a few steps from this marker) Methodist Parsonage (within shouting distance of this marker) Battle of Malvern Hill Trail (within shouting distance of this marker) Malvern Hill Trail (within shouting distance of this marker) Twilight Action (within shouting distance of this marker) The Battle of Malvern Hill (about 500 feet away, measured in a direct line) Infantry Against Infantry (about 500 feet away). Touch for a list and map of all markers in Glendale.

Mere om denne markør. The bottom left of the marker contains a picture of the Willis Church Parsonage with the caption, “The Parsonage, as it appeared in 1885, was the home of the pastor of the Willis Church. On July 1, 1862, the house stood in plain view of the Union artillery on Malvern Hill. Fire destroyed the parsonage in 1988. (Drawing from Battles and Leaders.) Next to this is a picture of the church with the caption, “The Willis Church is shown here as it appeared shortly after the war. For weeks after the battles in this area the church served as a field hospital. The current church stands on the site of the wartime structure, about a mile north of here. (Drawing from Battles and Leaders.) The right of the marker features a map of a hiking trail of the Malvern Hill Battlefield that passes the site of the marker. It has a caption of “From here a 2 mile trail leads to Malvern Hill, tracking the route of Confederate attacks during the last of the bloody Seven Days battles. The map depicts the open and wooded areas as they appeared in 1862.”

Se også. . .
1. Malvern Hill. CWSAC Battle Summaries. (Submitted on January 1, 2009, by Bill Coughlin of Woodland Park, New Jersey.)

2. Malvern Hill Battlefield Podcast. National Park Service website. (Submitted on January 1, 2009, by Bill Coughlin of Woodland Park, New Jersey.)


War of the Rebellion: Serial 013 Page 0955 Chapter XXIII. REOCCUPATION OF MALVERN HILL.

3 were reported to me killed and 22 captured, with their horses, arms, and equipments.

First Sergt. James Cahill, Company C, Fifth U. S. Cavalry, was the first to cross the bridge with 5 men. He was quickly followed by Captain White with a squadron of the Third Pennsylvania, who pursued the enemy three-fourths of a mile on the other side. Lieutenant Byrnes and Captain Custer took the road to the left toward Malvern Hill, chasing, shooting, or capturing all the pickets that came from that direction, while Lieutenant McIntosh held the reserve a good position to act in any direction. Learning from the prisoners that the enemy were made aware of our intentions the night before, and that a camp of infantry and artillery, on my right, and the First North Carolina Cavalry, on my left, were within a short distance, I concluded to withdraw, the object of the reconnaissance having been accomplished. This was done without accident. I have no loss to report, excepting 2 horses killed.

I beg leave to commend the gallant and spirited conduct of Captain Custer and Lieutenant Byrnes, also of Lieutenant McIntosh, Fifth United States, and Captain White, of the Third Pennsylvania Cavalry. First Sergt. James Cahill, before mentioned, with 5 men pursued and captured 7 or 8 prisoners. All the officers and men displayed great steadiness and spirit. I am particularly indebted to Lieutenant King, my acting assistant adjutant-general, and Lieutenant Hess, Third Pennsylvania Cavalry, and Rumsey, First New York Artillery, my acting aides on the occasion, for their readiness in carrying my orders and placing the squadrons and guns in position.

I am, general, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

WM. W. AVERELL,

Colonel, Commanding.

Brigadier General S. WILLIAMS,

Adjutant-General Army of the Potomac.

HEADQUARTERS FIRST CAVALRY BRIGADE, August 6, 1862.

SIR: I have the honor to report that the cavalry operations of 4th instant were confined to the usual picket duty. Nothing was seen of the enemy on any of the roads. Yesterday I proceeded with 200 men from the Fifth United States and 200 from the Third Pennsylvania Cavalry, accompanied by Gibson's battery, under command of Lieutenant Pendleton, out to Saint Mary's Church, first Long Bridge road. From here I sent a squadron which had been on picket at this point all night to vedette the road that leads past Nance's Mill, at the cross-roads, about 1 mile farther on the road to Long Bridge road. I left one section of this battery with a cavalry support and proceeded with the balance of my command to White Oak Swamp Bridge, leaving Long Bridge on my right going out. The pickets sent out to this bridge report that it is destroyed.

Upon arriving at White Oak Swamp Bridge I posted my artillery in positions commanding the approaches from all sides. One squadron of cavalry crossed the bridge the others were posted at the different positions of advantage. They captured 22 cavalrymen and killed 3. They belonged to the Tenth Virginia, and were on picket duty. After remaining here half an hour, and capturing almost the entire rebel picket, I returned with my command to camp, without again seeing the enemy.

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Kommentarer:

  1. Dar-El-Salam

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  2. Boynton

    Parafraser venligst beskeden

  3. Conlaoch

    I den er der noget. Nu er alt klart, jeg takker for hjælpen i dette spørgsmål.

  4. Vosar

    Tillykke, fantastisk idé og tidsramme

  5. Ottah

    I still didn't hear anything about it



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